This study explored the major role played by career design guidebooks published in Japan before WWII in canalizing career planning for young adults. These individuals expressed their way of life and future planning in the light of the realities of life through understanding their self identity and life cycles as well as their external environment such as family, school, and workplace.
Analyses of the seven journals confirmed that they were a practical tool for building an effective, focused development plan at every stage such as designing to assist individuals in identifying some significant personal preferences. The guides highlighted self-awareness while providing access to the most current occupational information available.
The significance of this study is twofold. First this research attempted to address a gap in Japanese education literature by looking at hitherto unknown career design guidebooks, and analyzed the interactions between personal preferences and the specific career development and life options that align them. The second major contributions of this study was that it added to the sparse research on career planning models provided by the informal education system.

This research analyzed correlation between the lifestyle and social environment in the early modern and modern Japan, and aimed at getting the knowledge to lead to the maintenance of the living environment. Then we researched the literature material about city life and rural life that indicated differences most explicitly in social environment, and made the field-work about old family combining together the research of house, old document and hearing in Aichi prefecture. As a result, it was revealed that people preferred Japanese lifestyle to Western lifestyle of one's own accord in modern Japan, groping for the lifestyle adapted to the region's social environment.

1.資料調査の進捗状況
北海道・宮城県・埼玉県・東京都・京都府・大阪府・島根県・広島県・山口県・福岡県の図書館・文書館で実施し、当該地まで出向かなければ閲覧できない資料を中心に大きな収穫を得た。昨年度実施を予定しておりながら、都合で実施できなかった訪問先を相当網羅できた。本研究の対象は正規の(したがって文部省所管の)教育制度ではなく、また現存する教育機関でもない。それゆえ調査の対象は各都道府県の教育史に関する資料のほか、「鉄道公報」をはじめとする鉄道省の発行物、一般の新聞・雑誌、受験生を対象とする受験案内書といった全国各地に散逸している。それらの一端を収集できたのは特筆に値する成果といえる。
また、鉄道省と同様に、中等・高等教育へと列なる学校体系を有していた逓信省の所管学校(逓信官吏練習所・逓信講習所)に関する資料を相当数入手できたのは予想外の成果であった。これを基盤にして次年度以降、「無学歴学校」の研究を更に深化させたい。
2.資料分析の進捗状況
前年度に実施した日本教育学会第63回大会(於北海学園大学)における学会発表をもとに、受験雑誌『鉄道青年』の書誌的分析を進め、本年度の学内紀要に論文を投稿した。
また、並行して収集を行った逓信省の所管学校に関する資料については、今なお整理の段階にあり、今後も分析を継続したい。
3.学会発表の状況
本年度は行っていない。
4.その他
特記事項なし。

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This research is a historical survey of 16 student organizations, such as "Tokyo University Correspondence Society," that conducted "Academic Competition." These competitions were essentially trial examinations for students of high schools and preparatory schools (private schools for students preparing for university entrance examinations) all over the country. Using university facilities, these student organizations were founded by students to address the problems of student poverty and at the same time to improve the academic achievement of high school students. In this time period, national universities did not properly publicize information regarding campus life. Instead, the universities relied on student organizations to disseminate such information to students and the public. For this reason, they were fostered by university authorities, and their activities were reported in the media. A study of the history of these organizations reveals the following three points: First, there was a dramatic change in the perception of student organizations over the time under consideration. Initially, student organizations were seen as addressing student poverty and improving academic achievement of high school students. Over time, however, these same organizations were thougut to only be taking money from students and worsening "examination hell." As the latter perception became predominant among the public, student organizations were dismantled by 1970. This trend reflects the impact of post-war reconstruction and rapid economic growth that led to a dramatic increase in the number of students seeking a university education. Second, dispite the external shock of entrance exam changes and negative popular preception, these student organizations continued their business as usual. Even as they were seen as money-making ventures, student organizations remained a vital source of information regarding university for entrance examinees and for high schools and preparatory schools. Third, the business model designed by student organizations was unique and innovative, so much so that after their dissolution, their role was inherited by a new entrance exam "industry." After a fouryear absence of practice exams specific to each university, in 1974 Kawaijuku founded "The Tokyo University Open." Thereafter, variations of this model multiplied, and Kawaijuku became nationally recognized and moved its operation to Tokyo in 1977. Kawaijuku's success launched the "preparatory schools war," that lasted until the late 1980s. In a sense, student organizations were the precursors of the "preparatory schools war."

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In my research on modern Japan's secondary night schools and the Railway Training School, I discovered a common characteristic. Even though these schools' curriculums were similar to traditional secondary and post-secondary schools, they did not fall under the jurisdiction of the Ministry of Education. Because of this, secondary night school and railway training school students and graduates did not meet the requirements for admission to traditional post-secondary academic institutions, they were unable to gain employment as ordinary civil servants without taking the Ordinary Civil Servant Examination, and they were required to take a certification examination in order to obtain an elementary school teacher's license. The focus of this paper, the Communications Official Training Institute and the Communications Staff Training Center, face the same dilemma. These schools were established by the Ministry of Communication to provide a graduated system of vocational training for ministry officials and staff. As such, these schools were considered to be no different than traditional secondary and post-secondary institutions, and they were even listed alongside such institutions in entrance examination guidebooks. Because there is no historical research on these communications schools, it is important to the field of the history of Japanese education to study the significance of these educational institutions. This paper's main conclusions are as follows: 1. The Ministry of Communications' schools were institutionally weak. The communications school system and curriculum was easily altered by the will of powerful ministry officials, by popular opinion within the ministry, as well as by economic considerations and even interference by other ministries within the government. 2. The Ministry of Communications made every effort to adhere to the same requirements established for traditional educational institutions. These schools must be considered not just as vocational training centers, but also as formal educational institutions. 3. Because the students were employed by the ministry, tuition was free, giving these schools a reputation as "the poor man's high school/college." In modern Japan, secondary education enrollment was approximately 30%, largely determined by the economic situation of each potential student's family. Free tuition made it possible to recruit capable youth who formed the core of the ministry's officials and staff.

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