引き続きコロナ禍が収束を見せないため資料調査・聞き取りが不如意な状況が続いている中、かろうじて利用が可能になった公共図書館を使って可能な限りの資料調査を実施するとともに、所属大学の図書館で新聞のデータベースを利用した資料調査を実施することで、前年度に執筆した論文「地方予備校から見た全国型予備校の黎明期――文理予備校（仙台）を事例として――」を『北海道教育大学紀要』第７２巻第１号（２０２１年８月３１日刊行）にて発表した。
ただし、こうした努力と既存の資料を駆使することだけでは、当初の「研究の目的」「研究実施計画」を実現することは不可能な実情である。所属機関による出張そのものの禁止は解けたものの、資料調査・聞き取りに関する制約は依然として大きい。資料調査については、公共図書館が時間・人数の制約つきながらも利用できるようになったことは有効であるが、大学の附属図書館を使用できないことがネックとなっている。聞き取りについては、法的な制約はないものの対象が高齢者となることから、コロナ禍の「第○派」が地域的なズレを伴って発生する中で協力をお願いし、出かけてゆくことは雰囲気としてはばかられるものがある。この結果、全国型予備校と高等学校との間の具体的なやりとりの深化、高等学校における進路指導が予備校の提供するデータと骨がらみの関係を構築していく過程といった、研究の中核となる部分を構成する資料に恵まれないのが現状である。

First, we focused on changes in the awareness of working adolescents, who are the primary candidates for the intermediate level examinations, and conducted data collection and article analysis on “Success”, the largest educational magazine published for them. At the same time, the book was scattered in the domestic libraries, and despite the high academic value, there was no reprint, so we reprinted with Fuji Publishing.
Secondly, in view of the fact that the main course that the secondary test examination applicants aim at is to advance to higher education, we focused on the Chukyo area and conducted data collection and analysis on the appearance and development of the preparatory school.

This research has analyzed the correlation between industrialization and living environment in Japan from early modern to modern times, aiming to obtain suggestions for sustainable development with a balanced urban-rural composition in the future.In particular, in order to re-evaluate the structure of industrialization involving urban-rural interactions in Japan and its potential resilience to economic crises during the first half of the 20th century, we have focused upon the brewing and textile industries in Aichi Prefecture which developed initially as ‘rural’ industries. Our research has found out that, in those industries, leading entrepreneurs played an important role in the provision of safety-nets in the local community by means of job creation, building of infrastructure, and so on.

This research is a historical survey of 16 student organizations, such as "Tokyo University Correspondence Society," that conducted "Academic Competition." These competitions were essentially trial examinations for students of high schools and preparatory schools (private schools for students preparing for university entrance examinations) all over the country. Using university facilities, these student organizations were founded by students to address the problems of student poverty and at the same time to improve the academic achievement of high school students. In this time period, national universities did not properly publicize information regarding campus life. Instead, the universities relied on student organizations to disseminate such information to students and the public. For this reason, they were fostered by university authorities, and their activities were reported in the media. A study of the history of these organizations reveals the following three points: First, there was a dramatic change in the perception of student organizations over the time under consideration. Initially, student organizations were seen as addressing student poverty and improving academic achievement of high school students. Over time, however, these same organizations were thougut to only be taking money from students and worsening "examination hell." As the latter perception became predominant among the public, student organizations were dismantled by 1970. This trend reflects the impact of post-war reconstruction and rapid economic growth that led to a dramatic increase in the number of students seeking a university education. Second, dispite the external shock of entrance exam changes and negative popular preception, these student organizations continued their business as usual. Even as they were seen as money-making ventures, student organizations remained a vital source of information regarding university for entrance examinees and for high schools and preparatory schools. Third, the business model designed by student organizations was unique and innovative, so much so that after their dissolution, their role was inherited by a new entrance exam "industry." After a fouryear absence of practice exams specific to each university, in 1974 Kawaijuku founded "The Tokyo University Open." Thereafter, variations of this model multiplied, and Kawaijuku became nationally recognized and moved its operation to Tokyo in 1977. Kawaijuku's success launched the "preparatory schools war," that lasted until the late 1980s. In a sense, student organizations were the precursors of the "preparatory schools war."

In my research on modern Japan's secondary night schools and the Railway Training School, I discovered a common characteristic. Even though these schools' curriculums were similar to traditional secondary and post-secondary schools, they did not fall under the jurisdiction of the Ministry of Education. Because of this, secondary night school and railway training school students and graduates did not meet the requirements for admission to traditional post-secondary academic institutions, they were unable to gain employment as ordinary civil servants without taking the Ordinary Civil Servant Examination, and they were required to take a certification examination in order to obtain an elementary school teacher's license. The focus of this paper, the Communications Official Training Institute and the Communications Staff Training Center, face the same dilemma. These schools were established by the Ministry of Communication to provide a graduated system of vocational training for ministry officials and staff. As such, these schools were considered to be no different than traditional secondary and post-secondary institutions, and they were even listed alongside such institutions in entrance examination guidebooks. Because there is no historical research on these communications schools, it is important to the field of the history of Japanese education to study the significance of these educational institutions. This paper's main conclusions are as follows: 1. The Ministry of Communications' schools were institutionally weak. The communications school system and curriculum was easily altered by the will of powerful ministry officials, by popular opinion within the ministry, as well as by economic considerations and even interference by other ministries within the government. 2. The Ministry of Communications made every effort to adhere to the same requirements established for traditional educational institutions. These schools must be considered not just as vocational training centers, but also as formal educational institutions. 3. Because the students were employed by the ministry, tuition was free, giving these schools a reputation as "the poor man's high school/college." In modern Japan, secondary education enrollment was approximately 30%, largely determined by the economic situation of each potential student's family. Free tuition made it possible to recruit capable youth who formed the core of the ministry's officials and staff.