a chapter in Liao Ping-hui and David Der-wei Wang eds., Taiwan under Japanese cololial rule, 1895-1945: history, culture, memory,translated by Tan.Uiti

A chapter in Edward Friedman ed., China’s Rise, Taiwan’s Dilemmas and International Peace

村田雄二郎・C.ラマール編『漢字圏の近代 ことばと国家』所収。

岡部達味編『中国をめぐる国際環境』所収

『岩波講座 世界歴史 27』所収

1983年刊のものにその後の台湾近現代史関係論文を増補したもの。2007年台湾で中文訳刊行：台湾史日文史料典籍研読会譯『台湾抗日運動史研究』（台北；播種者出版）。

In imperial China, institutions aiming at the reaching of the "Right Pronunciation" were established. Although this means that some kind of "Standard Chinese education" was going on, such a policy is different from language standardization in the modern sense of the term. The latter began in China only at the end of the 19th century. At that time, the National Language, together with the modern literature played their part in the edification of a nation state. To depart from the formalism of the classical language and style was a fairly complex, which implied at some stage some kind of westernization, as well as the absorption of classical and dialectal elements. Of course, the main stream of the language reform consisted in a move towards a language based on the northern colloquial. The specificity of the Chinese script is usually consideredd as overcome the problems caused by dialectal diversity. However, it may also make some issues more acute, like for instance the issue of the transcription of dialectal morphemes which cannot be related to any known etymology, a frequent case in Cantonese or Taiwanese. After Hong Kong was taken over by China, classes teaching Mandarin Chinese became compulsory. The special feelings towards Cantonese are not fueling a "Hong-Kongese nationalism" of any kind, but in Taiwan, the reluctance to use the "National Language" with its Continental links and the acute awareness of Taiwanese's linguistic specificity is in direct connection with everyday politics and makes, the object of many disputes. However, no matter where Taiwanese nationalism is bound to, and to what extent Taiwan becomes a multicultural society, there is no hint that Taiwan may ever give up Chinese script. Korea and Vietnam adopted a different strategy, which. lead to the complete or nearly complete disparition of the Chinese script in these countries.

12 members of our team studied about "centripetal and centrifugal tendencies in the China world " according to each specialized field. We held 19 times study meetings and made the interdisciplinary study collaborating with other teams ( politics, history ,asia-pacific region), We had charge of the session "Contemporary China and Ethnic Groups" in the last assembly and contributed to deepening the understanding of all members on the China's nation building.
We reached the common recognition through 3 years collaborative studies ; 1) In 50 years contemporary China, there is no structural change in minority policy which gives only cultural- local autonomy. But the recent trend of ethno-national movement of muslims in Xinjiang and Tibetans is urging the transformation of that basic structure. 2) We can see the qualitative change in the national-minority problem from 1950's to 90's. There were resistances of national minorities against the area-economic integration in 50's and against political integration in 60〜70's. But, after later 80's national minority problems are shifting to the international and democratic problems. 3) An ethnic group doesn't have its identity a priori. Their identity is relative, variable and multiplex. For example, Tibetan identity was formed after the enforcement of political and economic integration by the central power. 4) China-Taiwan relation used to be the problem of legitimacy, but after later 80's it changed structurally into the problem of the selfdetermination of the people who lives in Taiwan and the coexistence of both sides.

1. There is a remarkable increase of centrifugal forces in 1990's China that holds 55 national-minorities in her peripheral regions and tries to integrate the heterogeneous political communities --Taiwan and Hong kong. From the view point of the national integrity, we may say she is now facing an identity crisis.
The purpose of our academic research was to investigate the ethnic minorities in the peripheral regions, especially in Xinjiang and Yunnan, and to survey their reciprocal relation and inter-relation with their brothers in Mongolia and Kazakhstan.
2. The research was carried out by three groups. The first group, five members, made an on the spot investigation (language-education, religious activities, family budget, market research, etc.) and had talks with scholars and government officials in Almatui in Kazakhstan and Ulaanbaatar.
The second group made an investigation into Sino-Mongolian cultural and economic exchanges and collected books and materials in Ulaanbaatar.
The third group made on the spot investigation into the actual condition of life, religion, economy and the tourist industry of Bai Nationality in the south-western part of China.
3. It is very significant that we could observe "three types of nationalism" in these areas. The national problem of the new born Mongolia is the democratization, roots-searching of Mongolian-State and finding "the third neighbor". We can see the composed nationalism and national confidence.
Because of the economic stagnation, the lack of technocrats and the authoritarian regime, nationalism in Kazakhstan is inactive contrary to her recent independence.
On the other hand, we observed the depressed nationalism in Uigur ares ---Kashgar in Xinjiang where they can't assert their national ideintity and their own national culture, because of the drastic social change, marketization and the strong control over the ethnic regions from the central government.

We have observed the political reform and open-door policy since post-Mao Tsetung era. The reforms were originally started in the field of agriculture, with the abolition of people's communes and the introduction of a system of contracted responsibility.
Then they were extended to economic activities in the cities. The living stadard of Chinese people were growing higher, but after the success of the economic reform and open-door policy there appeared another issue--the question of political reform and democratization.
Some Chinese called the political reform and democratization the "fifth modernization". Chinese students and intellectuals adovocated the idea of the "fifth modernization". The issue of political reform has not been completely disregarded by the leaders of the Chinese Communist Party. But the actions they advocated to take were restricted in the field of "administrative reform"--the overcentralization of power, the separation of party and government functions the streamlining of organizations, and the reform of the personnel system. These were regarded as the measures to promote economic reform.
Some Chinese leaders regards democratization as the possible threat to the Communist Party rule. But even after the Tiananmen incident occured in June 1989 Chinese leaders claimed that the reform and the open-door policies should be maintained.
New China is no longer in a position to turn back the clock on the reform and open-door policies. This is because these policies are strongly supported by the Chinese people. And as a result of the open-door policy China has entered the network of the international community. China is no more a country sticking to "self-reliance" policy. The Chinese economy cannot take off except in the context of ties with the global economy. This view is seemed to be shared by Chinese leaders.

Firstly, we could have a series of seminars on the problems in each religious and cultural worlds such as Hinduism, Islamism, Buddhism and Confucianism with special and distinguished guests from Asian countries.
Secondly, we could compare the characters and the explanations of the conflicts and problems in each cultural and religious worlds deepen the understanding of them.
Thirdly, we explore the common undercurrents of Asian ethnic and minority problems which arose with the indepndence of national states and economic discrepancies.
However, our study must be regarded only as starting point of the new approach to it and we expect to have further research projects in near future.