第15章「地域社会に広がる社会関係の網」を担当

大別して，以下の３点について報告した．(1)我々が暮らす都市社会は，多様な地域社会から構成されていることの確認，(2)地域社会の多様性を描き出すための方法としての，地域特性の分析方法とその結果についてのこれまでの知見，(3)地域特性の分析と住民意識調査の分析結果との接合．

司会を務めた

In this project, we analyze the process of recontiruction of houses and community from Great East Japan earthquake. We did research activities in Kamaishi city in Iwate Prefecture, Natori city and Iwanuma city in Miyagi Prefecture and Iwaki city in Fukushima Prefecture. We recognize municiparities, public support insutitutions, neiborhood groups,universities and vounteer groups as verious stakeholders and research their consensus building process which made formations or characteristics of constiruction. We find that consensus building are cocerned in habitants' needs and realized by their positive participation in the process of negotiation, these are the important factors to succeed proper construction.
And We investigate the situation of inhabitants mainly in the public collective houses by questioanire test. We find the active relationship between habitants is not yet regenerated and some serious problems in their mind and community for susutaining their life.

After the review about the researches in regard to multinucleated metropolitan areas, the geographical and sociological analysis of major metropolitan areas showed that those spatial pattern are changing to mosaic from concentric, and life spaces are shrinking. This trend means importance of multinucleated compact city vision which has various cores with different functions or characteristics. We also approached international comparison about the such kinds of trends of cores and advanced urban plans of metropolitan areas.

This study explores the effects of personal network and social capital on the urban local community. The dataset used here comes from the survey research in the Setagaya Ward of Tokyo in 2008 and 2009. The research in 2008 had 8,000 samples. The response rate was 65.3%. The research in 2009 had 10,000 samples. The response rate was 54.5%. Both two researches conducted in mail method, we can say the response rates reached high level. The analytical results include many interesting findings.

This project is based on two sets of surveys. The first one was a mail survey conducted in three cities (Fukuoka, Kumamoto, and Tokushima), with the sample consisting of 9,000 randomly selected individuals, 3,000 from each city. After a pre-survey in 2003, research hypotheses were further deliberated and the questionnaire was revised for the main survey that was conducted in 2004. The primary focus of this survey was to access the determinants of individuals' personal networks. These included ecological factors (e.g., size of population and years in residence), individual attributes (e.g., sex and age), family-related variables, and socio-economic status. The analyses centered around the issues on the relationship between the population size and personal networks, an on-going debate within the discipline of urban sociology. Our survey design that employed three cities varying in population size enabled us to assess the effect of ecological factors on personal networks. Our results indicated that the larger the population size, the smaller the number of kins and neighbors were in personal networks. There was no difference among the three cities in terms of the total number of friends in networks; however, the respondents in larger cities had a greater number of friends who lived between 30 and 90 minutes from themselves, even after all other variables were controlled for.
The second set of survey was carried out in 2005. This was a case study of a community in downtown Tokyo. 300 members of a neighborhood association were interviewed using a questionnaire. In addition, intensive interviews were given to the officials of the association. Through these interviews we were able to analyze how community residents' personal networks have changed as the community went through structural changes over time.

The aim of this research is to clarify how degrees of urbanism affect the married women's work, how the personal networks can help married women decide how to work or if they can continue working or not, how much effect other circumstances like housework responsibility or possibility of using nursery services have on their decision of keeping their jobs.
1.With these aims of research, we conducted a survey at the academic year 2003(September 2003) in Fukuoka City (except Nishi-Ku) and Tokushima City, mailing a questionnaire to 2,200 samples (Age 30-49,women) in each place. Whether a woman is married or not, a married woman has a job or not, the married women's individual network system is like and how the household duties are shared between the couple are asked in the questionnaire. We have received 754 valid answers in Fukuoka City and 874 in Tokushima City.
2.In the academic year 2004,we analyzed the data. The major findings from the analysis, whose details are described in ‘A Report on Research Results', are ;
(1)In Tokushima City, more married women who have children work. That is, the lower the degree of urbanism is, the bigger the number of mothers with having jobs is. The ratio of mothers having jobs is 68.0% for Fukuoka and 74.3% for Tokushima, and the difference was significant.
(2)In this finding, we are convinced that the rule of Douglas-Arisawa works. (High income of spouses prevents housewives from having jobs)
(3)The factors enabling the married women in Tokushima City to work are there is less social movement and there are many 3-generation-families.
(4)Other factors are that kin networks which can provide nursery services are more developed there.
(These((3)(4)) mean that living with couples' parent(s) and having more kin networks promote housewives to having jobs.)
(5)More women who have graduated from national universities have job than those who have graduated from private universities.

The purpose of this study is to clarify the transformation of spatial structure of Tokyo Metropolitan area during 20 years. Since Oil Crisis, Tokyo has experienced some big social changes like bubble economy, post-industrialization, informationalization, and aging. Those social changes have appeared as the changes of spatial structure of Tokyo Metropolitan area. Social changes on economy and industry have made some transformations of spatial structure by changing the distribution of resources people had needed. Therefore, social area analyses have been adopted to find those social changes of modern Tokyo.
Data were collected from Population Census, National Census of Establishments, Voter Turnouts, Who's who, Yellow page, Report of Crimes and Traffic Accidents, and Person Trip Research. The results of analyses of population and family status showed that "suburb as the area where people had borne and grown children" had disappeared until 1990. The results of analyses of social stratification showed that the white collar workers located in the central part of the Tokyo Metropolitan area, on the other hand, the blue collar workers located on the fringes.

This project was carried out for the follewing two purposes. One is to grasp individuals' extended personal networks (including those of strong ties as well as weak ties) by conducting case studies with the use of New Year's cards as a data-base. The other is to understand the inner structure of individuals' networks focusing on those of their intimate relationships by conducting a mail survey.
Case studies were carried out in three cities for different purposes. In Mitaka-city, case studies of those who engage in the administration of a community center were conducted. The purpose of this study was to investigate characteristics of the residents' participation in their local community and its interrelationships with their extended personal networks. In Fukuoka-city, case studies of elderly residents were carried out in Chuo-ku and Nishi-ku in order to capture transforming processes of their extended personal networks through life course. In Tokushima-city, case studies of the leaders who directed a local protest movement were carried out for the purpose of investigating the processes in which networks are mobilized for collecting signatures for a petition. From the results of the case studies described above, we obtained many interesting findings.
Furthermore, from the results of the pretest conducted in 1999, we found that there are not necessary differences between face-to-face interviews and mail surveys in the accuracy ef respondents' answers to the questions that ask about interrelationships among the five persons mentioned as their close friends. Thus, in 2000, we randomly sampled eight regions (shi and ku) of Tokyo Prefecture and conducted a mail survey of a total sample of 2,000. The eight regions consist of Bunkyo-ku, Shinagawa-ku, Ohta-ku, Setagaya-ku, Hachiohji-shi, Oume-shi. Higashimurayama-shi, and Tama-shi. 2000 questionnaires were distributed according to the proportion of the population in the eight regions, and 656 valid samples were collected (the response rate was 33.2%). After the data-cleaning and analysis, we made reports on themes such as the examination of variables determining the network structure, and the relations of status attainment with the network structure, and so on. Part I of the report discusses the results of these analyses, and Part II discusses the results of the analyses from the case studies.

The aim of this research is to clarify how degrees of urbanism affect a couple's individual network system and how a wife's employment interrelates with the couple's network system and urbanism.
1. With these aims of research, we conducted a survey at the end of academic year 1998 (March, 1999) in Fukuoka City, Okayama city and Tokushima City, mailing a questionnaire to 700 samples in each place. Whether a wife has a job or not, what a couple's individual network system is like and how the household duties are shared between the couple are asked in the questionnaire. The subject was all female ranging between 30 to 49 years old. 851 answers (40.5%) were collected, of which 835 (39.8%) were effective.
2. In the academic year 1999, we analyzed the data. The major findings from the analysis, whose details are described in 'A Report on Research Results', are; (1)the lower the degree of urbanism is, the bigger the number of mothers with full-time employment is. The ratio was 10.4% for Fukuoka, 16.4% for Okayama and 23.4% for Tokushima and the difference was significant. (2)the factors enabling the mothers in Tokushima to work full-time are there is less social movement and they have their own kin living in less than 30 minutes' travel. (There was no significant difference in the corresponding number of husbands' kin living nearby.) The high rate of mothers who have a profession or who work for public offices should be also included. (3)more mothers turned out to be employed whose own mothers had work when they entered an elementary school. (4)women's desire to work or not, is not consistent, and their desire to work (or not) after marriage is subject be regulated by the modes of their husbands' work.

高度情報化社会である現在、高齢者を対象とするパソコンネットワークも開設され活況を呈している。そのような現状の中で、従来の情報化社会論の中で展開されてきた議論はオンラインでの社会関係がいかなる特徴を持つかに焦点が絞られ、オンラインでコミュニケーションを活発に行う者がオフラインでどのような社会関係をどの程度持っておりそれがオンラインでのコミュニケーションを行っていない者とどの程度異なっているのかは問われてこなかった。そこで本研究は、パソコンネットワークを媒介として成立している社会関係をもつ高齢者のオフラインでの社会関係の特徴を一般の高齢者の社会関係と比較検討することを目的とした。
調査は大手商用ネットワークであるNifty Serveが開設するメロウフォーラムの電子会議室にシグオペより許可を得て調査票を掲載し、回答を電子メールにて受け取る方法で1997年1月に実施し28名(男性:25名、女性:3名)より回答を得た。回答者の平均年齢は64.9±7.1歳であり、会員制の電子会議室に頻繁にアクセスした者(9.3±5.4回/週)で、学歴がかなり高い者(旧制高校卒、新制大学卒を合わせて50%)という特徴を持つ。オフラインでのネットワークの規模を、頻繁に交流のある他者の数を用いて、東京都の代表サンプル(「中高年の生活と意識に関する都民調査」1992年東京都老人総合研究所)と比較しつつみると、別居子、兄弟・親戚、近隣についてはほぼ同じ程度であったものの、友人に関しては本調査では5.8±7.0人と東京都4.9±8.5人よりも大きな規模を示していた。これらの結果は、オンラインでのコミュニケーションが現実のつきあいを阻害するのではなく、むしろ現実での社会関係を活発に形成・維持している者がオンラインでのコミュニケーションをも積極的に利用していると考えるべきであることを示唆している。