特集 : 移民の市民的統合の内実 : 政治社会学的地域研究の視座からはじめに1. フランスの市民的統合の経緯2. 移民受け入れに対する最近の動向3. ポルトガル系移民アソシエーションによる有権者登録の呼びかけ4. ポルトガル系移民の故郷への送金の需要にこたえるための銀行サービスの事例おわりに

This paper aims at revealing why the Portuguese immigrants in France have been generally integrated into French society, despite a tendency of lesser number of them completing school education which should be normally considered results of their limited adaptation on school. The Portuguese discussed in this paper represent a population group comparable in size to that of Muslim immigrants in France who have been migrated mainly from the Maghreb countries and struggling to adapt to the society. However, the Portuguese immigrants have rarely posed any problems in France to the extent that they are invisible and considered an exemplary minority group that has succeeded in integrating into French society.Then, there is a question whether a main cause of incompletion of school education for the Portuguese immigrants is a problem of adapting to school or some other reason, since they have been generally adapting to French society. In an attempt to answer this question, the paper focuses on French politicians of Portuguese origin as "model immigrants" and, through interviews with them to reveal the process of their families' migration, their lifestyles and education.The majority of first-generation Portuguese immigrants, who arrived massively in France in the 1960s to flee from a long period of dictatorship and poverty in Portugal, took to work immediately upon their arrival, often without even completing primary education.They attached more value to remunerated work than to education, especially because of their wish to go back to Portugal. This shows that the Portuguese immigrants have not had a problem of adapting to school but simply they prefer to work in order to earn enough to go back to their home country.Moreover, the paper discusses how many descendants of Portuguese origin have attended school for a longer period today than did their parents and obtained diploma as equals to their French peers, a result of integration to French society and of adapting in school and obtaining professional qualifications. This integration has become possible because the Portuguese immigrants have had opportunities to comprehend how to live in French society. The Portuguese immigrants are stereotypically cast in the roles of plasterers, housekeepers, and apartment building superintendents, and this paper points out that such occupations have allowed them to observe French households at close hand and hear many examples of how French success stories are made.

関根政美教授退職記念号はじめに1 フランス女性のシティズンシップ獲得の経緯2 パリテを導入した国内要因3 フランスの政治状況4 EUの男女平等政策と加盟国への影響おわりに

In 1992, the Treaty of Maastricht institutionalised the rights of European Union citizens to vote in local elections in their country of residence. This paper describes the main characteristics of the concept of EU citizenship and analyses the way in which national and/or European identities affected the voting behaviour of non-French residents during the French local elections in March 2001.<br>The introduction of these limited political rights within the EU established the notion of "multiple citizenship", combining both the traditional idea of citizenship of a nation-state, and that of the new wider citizenship based on a multi-national agreement.<br>The author takes the case of the March 2001 local elections, when some reluctance to extend voting rights to include all EU citizens residing in France became apparent amongst the French public, and political parties adopted different attitudes to the issue, in some cases even questioning the basic principle of giving foreigners the right to vote. The newly acquired rights of EU citizens were seen to have created unequal political status in the absence of similar rights for long-term residents in France from non-EU countries.<br>It is important to note that majority of EU citizens in France who have obtained voting rights are from South European countries such as Portugal, Italy and Spain. This fact has drawn the attention of many political parties which had in fact encouraged those with South European nationalities, particularly Portuguese, to stand for the local election of March 2001. The paper argues that some political parties expected these candidates with South European nationalities to attract a large number of potential voters among EU citizens from South European countries.<br>Another aspect covered by the paper concerns the various levels of identity—local, national and regional—reflected in the exercise of voting rights of EU expatriates, within a political system which recognizes the diversity of cultural origins of its electorate.<br>Finally, the author suggests possible future means of achieving European integration and describes several incidents which illustrate the impact of the participation of non-French EU citizens in local elections.