© Center for Southeast Asian Studies, Kyoto University. The major militant Islamist network in Indonesia, comprising the Jemaah Islamiyah (JI) and its associated groups, was believed to have been responsible for dozens of violent incidents after 2000, including the Bali bombings of 2002 and 2005. Generally JI sympathized with al-Qaeda’s ideology, openly supported al-Qaeda and other militant ideologues by translating and publishing their work in Indonesia, and sent hundreds of fighters (mujahidin) to Afghanistan for training. The Indonesian militant Islamist groups were not foreign controlled, but they shared some features with a broader militant Islamist network. This essay takes as its point of departure Albert-Laszlo Barabasi’s characterization of al-Qaeda as a matrix of self-organized networks, not a military organization with structured divisions. In Barabasi’s theorization of networks, al-Qaeda appears as a “scale-free network” of a limited number of persons who had accumulated many nodes in a scattered and self-sustaining web. Hence, JI was loosely organized and yet hierarchical, composed of small cells held together by personal loyalties, family, school, and other friendly connections. Faced with intensifying police assaults, militant Islamists increasingly fell back on their networks. Using published reports and the author’s own interviews with relevant individuals, this essay traces the links and nodes of the militant Islamic networks in Indonesia and examines why and how jihadists in Indonesia tenaciously sustained their violent activities.

© Nanzan Institute for Religion and Culture. This article explores the roles of folk performing arts within the wider context of disaster relief in Japan following the March 2011 earthquake, tsunami, and nuclear disasters. It focuses on two Shinto-based troupes located along the devastated Sanriku coastal region-Kadonaka-gumi Toramai and Unotori Kagura. Both groups perform ludic, entertaining acts as part of their repertoires. Their playful ritual practices draw upon elements of local religious traditions as they provide a form of relief to aid the victims of disaster by helping them rebuild their lives and communities.

The ruling Golkar party dominated the political scene during the Suharto era, but recently political power has been contested among various parties, including Islamic parties that emerged in the 1999 election. Some analysis of that election is still focused on a dichotomy between secular and Islamic parties, the so-called “aliran” politics of the 1950s. There is also an argument that political elites formed during the Suharto era have persisted even after the “reformasi” in 1998. This article, through an analysis of profiles of members elected to the Regional People's Representative Council (DPRD) in 1999 and 2004, argues that aliran politics has been fading away and that new politicians have been emerging slowly. Although no longer dominant, Golkar has widened its base and absorbed some Islamic votes, while the new Islamic parties attract the relatively higher educated and some business elites. Thus Islamization is not directly related to the emergence of Islamic parties. Old political elites have also maintained their influence within both secular and Islamic parties, and various organizations dating from the Suharto era have been recruiting local elites. The increasing number of swing votes, largely consisting of urban people, is accelerating the shift in political elites.

An "Islamic left" has emerged in Indonesian politics since the 1990s, which is opposed to the rightist Islamists and seeks a religiously plural nation. Islamic leftists work with nonreligious and leftist social-political movements and read leftist books, from Marx and Gramsci to Foucault. Yet, they don't discard religious motivations. The author collected their writings, observed them closely, and conducted many interviews. In this article, through three profiles of young activists affiliated with Nahdlatul Ulama, the author draws out the characteristics and political significance of the Islamic left in contemporary Indonesia. These activists are critical of religious authority (persons, texts, and history), especially the "one and only" and "pure and glorious" Islam, and try to revive plural Islamic traditions using post-modern Islamic studies in Europe. They have inherited the intellectual leftist tradition in Indonesia, but the Islamic left does not limit its activities to intellectual circles. It consciously fights a "war of position" against the Islamists and tries to mobilize popular support. Since it does not deny popular un-Islamic traditions, the Islamic left has the potential to attract indigenous, spiritual, and mystic "islams," including among ex-Communists in rural areas. The Islamic left therefore has huge potential in a democratized Indonesia in which a new ideology is necessary in order to attract popular political participation.

東日本大震災によって岩手県沿岸部の民俗芸能も大きな被害を受けた。同時に被災後の地域社会において、芸能はさかんに行われ、祭りの復活が「復興」のシンボルになった。また外部からの支援や当事者間の新たなつながりが生まれ、地域社会や当事者の意識に少なからぬ変化をもたらしている。本シンポジウムでは、震災後何が起き、どのような過程を経て芸能が再び行われるようになったのか、また外部との関係によってどのような変化がもたらされたのか、民俗芸能の当事者が講演した。その中で、震災後の民俗芸能は人々の精神的な支えとなり、人々が集まる場を提供する役割を担ってきたこと、居住地や職場の確保など、現在の民俗芸能継承の課題は震災復興そのものの課題であることなどが明らかになった。

This article evaluates the phenomenon of the extraordinary growth of Islamic publications in contemporary Southeast Asia. It briefly describes the historical development of Islamic publications in modern Southeast Asia and highlights the significance of the publication boom since the 1980s. The oldest Arabic manuscript in Southeast Asia was written in the beginning of 14th century, and the Kitabs (books written in Arabic or Jawi} inherited generation to generation. Most of these books were translations or annotations of classical texts. The Kitabs were copied by hand and the printing of the Kitabs only started at the end of 19th century. The Kitabs circulated to formal and informal Islamic educational institutions such as Quran-reading schools for children and Mosques where lessons for adults were periodically conducted. The Kitabs served as the intermediary between formal and informal education. With the spread of modern education and the development of national languages, Islamic books written in the Roman script gained a wider readership. The expanded Islamic book market contained many works by Islamists who came to prominence since the 1980s. Islamism seeks the reestablishment of the past Islamic civilization and emphasizes the totality of Islam. The Islamists expounded Islamic political theories and concepts and the idea of the Islamic state to religious activists in universities and advocated the adoption of the Islamic way of life in the modern world to the wider public.

The purpose of this article is to provide some useful and practical information on the Indonesian Jawi documents by introducing twenty-three catalogues which contain Jawi documents. Jawi documents in this article refer to documents written in the Arabic script in the various vernacular languages in Indonesia. To date, there is no one single catalogue containing all the Jcnvi documents. We have selected twelve catalogues here for discussion. These catalogues include not only those published in Indonesia but also elsewhere. We try to give an outline of these catalogues on the basis of the different vernacular language categories while also providing information on how Jawi documents have been incorporated into these. We also suggest ways on how to search for Jawi documents in these catalogues. Finally, in addition to the above twelve catalogues we also introduce the bibliography of eleven other related catalogues.

The purpose of this research project was to analyze the governance on development in the metropolitan Southeast Asia in the era of globalization and ASEAN. Our research members conducted collaborative researches in the four metropolitans, Manila (the Philippines), Jakarta (Indonesia), Kuala Lumpur (Malaysia) and Bangkok (Thailand). One of the main focuses was the role of the state in the Metropolitan development. The research results suggest that the following simple dichotomy cannot be applicable to the land management in the metropolitan areas: the role of the state is bigger if the regime is authoritarian and centralistic while the role of the state is weaker if the regime is democratic and decentralistic. The extent of the state power in the Metropolitan land development is also decided by other factors such as the authority of local government(s), the layers and numbers of local governments in the metropolis, actors other than government such as developers and royal family.

The purpose of this research is to demonstrate the noteworthy power and the role of folk performing arts by fieldwork in the reconstruction and revitalization of communities that have suffered catastrophic blows, and as a mechanism to sustain its effect, to examine ways to introduce disaster-stricken tourism. Unotori Kagura based in Fudai village in Iwate prefecture was taken up as a case. Although the struggle of the Kagura members after the Great East Japan Great Earthquake is common to the groups of folk performing arts around coastal areas, Unotori Kagura supported by wide-ranging belief has a great social impact and its trend is worth watching. This research gathered information and analyzed data on the tour record after the Great East Japan Earthquake and verified the possibility of disaster-stricken tourism as some help for community revival.

There are three main results. First, the research team has conduct field research on folk arts. Miichi published on roles of folk performing arts in the disaster affected area in the Rikuchu Coast, Iwate, Japan. By comparing Unotori Kagura and Kadonaka-gumi Toramai, he argued importance of the "ludic" element of fork arts. Second, the team organized a performance and workshop of Unotori Kagura in Yogyakarta, Indonesia, in March 2015, and several other workshops using video recording. These workshops provided opportunities to share the experience among disaster affected communities and folk art practitioners. Third, the team recorded folk performing arts in the Rikuchu Coast and digitalized analog films of Unotori Kagura.

This study examines the effects that the pro-democracy movements that began in 2011 in various Arab states are having on non-Arab Muslim societies, specifically examining the following: (1) Egypt, which became the core of the pro-democracy movements; (2) Turkey, which set a precedent in implementing democratic reforms; (3) Iran and Afghanistan, where democratization and structural reform are of key significance in terms of security; (4) Indonesia, which has the highest Muslim population in the world; and (5) Muslim migrant societies in Western Europe, which keep a keen watch on the democratization of their home countries. Accordingly, along with the retrogressive trend now manifesting in Turkey’s democratization and the rise of Islamic State (IS, also referred to as ISIS and ISIL) seen in the latter stages of the research period, it is evident that the order of the territorial nation states of the Middle East is currently being shaken to its very foundations.

This study attempted to present an educational program to revive the traditional culture in Iwate after the Northeast Japan Earthquake on March 11, 2011, by documenting the process of developing successors of folk performing arts supported by the cooperation between schools and the local areas.The concrete approaches taken were (1) to research the critical conditions related to folk performing arts,(2) to analyze their transmitting processes from the point of view of dynamic preservation and socio-cultural context, taking Unotori Kagura at Fudai Village and Nakano Nanazu-mai at Iwaizumi Town in Rikuchu Coast as case studies, and (3) to verify the questionnaire results of folk preforming arts education targeted at elementary and junior high schools in Iwate conducted in 2014.The importance of the traditional culture and its education was recognized.
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This stuyuThis study is about to analyze the impacts of social media into political arena. We picked up the cases of Japan, South Korea, China, Malaysia, Thailand, India, Middle East and African countries and analyzed the impacts with using participant observation methodology. As a result of the study, we found that SNS has deeper impacts on political arena when the old media were controlled by governments.

Southeast Asian countries have overcome the post-cold war Asian economic crisis in 1997 and have been experiencing the rapid social, political and economic transformation with the expansion of global business and/or ideological networks. One thing that is clear from this research is the fact that Southeast Asian local level has seen the emergence of new type of politico-economic actors or the political actors that employ new political style. It is especially true for newly decentralized Thailand, the Philippines and Indonesia where the local heads have obtained a wider authority. The era of globalization and information gave them chances of gaining new political and economic resources including information and fashioning new and smarter way of grabbing and maintaining their political power.

Through collecting and reading of their documents and continual interviews with activists, I revealed ideological traits and social backgrounds of militant Islamists. I also researched and published on usage of videos and internet by militants and publication business by cadres of moderate Prosperous Justice Party(PKS). Islamist movements adjusted market tendency and "commodify" their ideology and packaged as VCD, books and web contents in order to promote and realize their aim.

The fall of Suharto in 1998 has changed the politico-economic structure with the introduction of democratization and decentralization. This project has the aim to investigate this change, focusing on the local level. Each researcher has made researches on local politics in his own research area and the project has also collected the sociological profiles of local elites in collaboration with the Center for Political Sciences, Indonesian Institute of Sciences (LIPI). By the end of March 2008, we have successfully collected the data on 3455 local parliamentarians in 95 districts/cities and one province out of 464 districts/cities and 33 provinces in Indonesia (around 20.5%). With the institutional change of local head election system from the indirect one to the direct one in 2004, it is assumed that the sociological profiles of local head have changed significantly, so we have collected the data on the candidates of local heads and local vice heads in 64 areas out of 297 local areas where the local head elections were implemented by early 2008. One thing that we can say cleare at the moment is the fact that the Islamist welfare justice party (Partai Keadilan Sejahtera, PKS) rose its influence rapidly. PKS got the support from the urban middle class at first, but Later on the party successfully widened its political power base even to the rural area. This success is partly caused by their emphasis on the clean and good governance based on the Islamic ethics and partly by the proper selection of local head and vice head candidates. PKS chose famous and popular persons as candidates.

本年度はまずこれまでに発表した論文を大幅に加筆修正し、単行本『インドネシアイスラーム主義のゆくえ』として出版した。イスラーム主義者の形成するネットワークについては、この数年に急速に研究が進んだ。単行本ではそうした研究の成果を利用し、また報告者自身による福祉正義党についての研究の進展を踏まえて、イスラーム主義について、またイスラーム主義という政治運動に回収されないより一般的な社会現象を捉え直した。
昨年度から進めているイスラーム出版社とその出版物のデータ収集およびデータベースの構築は大きな進展があった。ジャカルタ、バンドゥン、ジョグジャカルタに加え、本年度はソロとスラバヤを中心にデータ収集を行った。インドネシアの出版社の多くが買い付けを行うエジプトの国際ブックフェアーにも足を運び、アラビア語の原書の出版状況について観察、留学生が形成する国際的なネットワークについて知見を深めることができた。同時に出版社についての分析を進め、まだ概略的ではあるがバンドゥンについての研究論文を発表した。
ジャワ島外の出版事情および出版だけでは把握できない地域的なネットワークについても、場所を絞って研究を進めている。すなわち、イスラーム学校の伝統が強いといわれる南カリマンタン州と西ヌサトゥンガラ州のロンボク島を、短期ながらそれぞれ二度(昨年度を含む)訪問し、聞き取り調査と資料収集を行った。今年度は三度の国政選挙があり、選挙を通じて浮かび上がるイスラームのネットワークについて調査をすることができた。特に南カリマンタン州はイスラーム主義政党の福祉正義党が例外的に躍進した。大学キャンパスを中心に発展してきたイスラーム主義の主流派がいかなる条件において伝統的なイスラーム学校のネットワークに食い込むことができるのか、という今後のインドネシアにおいて政治的に極めて重要になるであろう課題についての事例研究を行った。

This research project aimed to make clear the changing local politics in the democratized and decentralized Indonesia from 1998 on. The special emphasis was put on the collection and analysis of the data on the local parliamentarian that were elected in the 1999 and 2004 general elections.
This project successfully collected the data of almost sixty percent of all the local parliamentarians all over Indonesia that were elected in 1999 and also gathered the data of local parliamentarians that were elected in 2004 from more than 100 local assemblies in Indonesia. This collection is worth mentioning because there has been no research in the world t could marvelously collect so many data on the local parliamentarians in the democratized Indonesia.
The results of the analysis based on the data base on the local parliamentarians have been already published. Kosuke Mizuno published an article on the West Java province, Masaaki Okamoto on the Banten province, Jun Honna on three provinces of the Java island, and Ken Miichi on the South Kalimantan province. And also Takashi Shiraishi, Jun Honna and Masaaki Okamoto have already published articles on the electoral politics and decentralization while Ken Miichi wrote about the relationship between the local politics and the revival movement of Islam.
The analysis based on the data base actually covered many aspects of local politics and decentralization in the democratized Indonesia. At least we can now tentatively summarize the analysis as follows : 1)The number of local parliamentarians from the business sector has increased rapidly. 2)The rich guys now can easily rise politically at the local level and have an easy access to the political and economic resources. Actually many of these politically rising guys already had access to the political and economic resources during the authoritarian Suharto period. 3)Apolitical party that highly espouses the realization of pure and clean politics based on the Islamic ethic is dominated by the younger and educated generation. 4)In the rural area where the Golkar party is dominant, the younger potential politicians tend to choose the political parties without seniority-system than the seniority-system oriented Golkar party.