自立は青年期の重要な発達課題であり, 主体的自己, 協調的対人関係, 生活管理などの領域から成るといわれている. 子どもの頃に調理に関わることは青年期の自立に影響を及ぼすと仮説を立てた. 大学生178名 (男性53名, 女性125名) を対象に質問紙調査を行い, 学童期の家庭の食環境と調理への関わりをクラスタ分析で分類し, クラスタにより青年後期の自立に差がみられるか分散分析で検討した. 学童期の家庭の食環境と調理への関わりは5クラスタに分類され, 調理への関わりに関する得点が高い2クラスタは, 青年後期の「協調的対人関係」と「生活管理」の得点が高かった. この結果より, 学童期に調理に関わることは, 青年後期の自立の2つの領域へ肯定的な影響を及ぼす可能性が示唆され, 仮説は支持されたと考えられる.

看護師は、病気について子どもや保護者に説明することをどの程度重視しているのだろうか。また、子どもが病気についてどの程度の理解力をもつと考えているのだろうか。本研究では、これらの考えが看護経験によって異なるかどうか、質問紙調査により検討した。調査対象者は、看護経験が5年以上あり主に小児看護に従事する看護師110人(小児群)と、主に成人看護に従事する看護師85人(成人群)である。子どもへの説明を重視する度合いについては群差が認められず、どちらの群でも子どもより保護者への説明を重視していた。病気の原因・経過・種類等に関する子どもの理解については、小児群の方が幼児期後半および児童期前半の子どもの能力をより高く評価していた。以上より、小児看護を専門とする看護師は、実践の中で病気理解に関する子どもの有能性を認めるようになることが示唆された。(著者抄録)

This study examined young children's information-seeking behavior for illness or injury by (1) identifying primary informants and (2) determining whether children's evaluations of trusted informants change with development. Studies 1a, 1b, 1c, and 1d showed that 3- and 4-year-old children preferred to ask adults, including experts, as well as familiar and unfamiliar adults, for illnesses and injuries, but did not prefer to ask other children and stuffed animals. It was also shown that 3- and 4-year-olds' previous experiences of medical examination were not related with their preferences of informants and that they valued doctors' information about specialized knowledge more than mothers' resources. Studies 2a and 2b examined whether evaluations of trusted informants changed with age. Adults tended to differentiate between informants for contagious and allergic illnesses. However, this differentiation was not observed in 4-, 7-, and 10-year-old children. Adults preferred to seek help from doctors rather than mothers for contagious illnesses and injuries, whereas for allergies they preferred mothers to doctors. However, their reliance on mothers was limited. Preferences for mothers were not observed for nonallergic illnesses, such as headache, toothache, and cancer.
Highlights
Three- and four-year-old preschoolers preferred to ask adults, including experts as well as familiar and unfamiliar adults, for help with illnesses and injuries, rather than other children and stuffed animals. Three- and four-year-olds valued doctors' information about medication and causes of illness more than mothers' resources, though such preferences were not observed for daily advice, such as dietary and rest for sick individuals. With development, evaluations of trusted informants in the domain of illness changed. Adults tended to differentiate between informants for contagious and allergic illnesses; however, this differentiation was not observed for 4-, 7-, and 10-year-old children.

Undergraduate students (n = 367), who were born in the 1990s, and the generation who were born in the 1960s and have undergraduate-aged children (n = 300), completed questionnaires describing the most memorable meals and good fare from their childhood. The results were summed up as follows. First, among the 1960's, meals at home with their families were mainly (about 80%) cited as their most memorable meal in childhood, whereas among the undergraduates, in addition to these, those with friends were also often reported (about fifty-fifty). Second, the undergraduates frequently responded that their most memorable meals were special meals, for example, a New Year party, at home with their parents and grandparents. On the other hand, the 1960's often responded that theirs were everyday mealtimes at home. Third, the 1960's frequently nominated specific foods as their most memorable meal and good fare, for example, "suki-yaki" and "sushi," while the undergraduates nominated annual events such as Christmas and New Year parties more often. These results suggest that over the last few decades, people have gradually placed less importance on daily mealtimes at home, and also on family life itself. The results also appear to reflect the shift in the nature of consumption, that is, from "goods" to "service" or "experience".

This study, comprising three sub-studies, aims to examine how child-rearing practices vary according to different social circumstances in Japan. By comparing teacher-child interaction at mealtimes in day care centres both on an isolated small island located in Okinawa prefecture, Tarama, and in a large industrialised city, Tokyo, the following was shown. In Tarama, teachers, children, and their families were familiar with each other before the children's enrolment, while in Tokyo, it was typical that they first met when the children entered the centre. Such differences in social relationships were reflected in teacher-child interactions at mealtimes. First, in Tarama, ownership distinctions at the table were not so rigorous compared to those in Tokyo, implying that the teacher-child lunchtime in Tarama was similar to a home-like private situation. Second, in both Tarama and Tokyo, teachers encouraged children's eating by giving various kinds of assistance, but their approaches were different. Teachers in Tokyo paid much attention to improve children's eating skills, while in Tarama, teachers placed more weight on ensuring primary functions of mealtimes. The results indicated that child care practices were deeply rooted in social communities.

Research Findings: Preschools have many norms and rules children are supposed to follow. Among them, behavioral norms associated with mealtime are of great consequence because eating is an essential life function. The present study examined young Japanese children's understanding of hygiene norms and rules at mealtime from the standpoint of their awareness of contamination. Previous studies on contamination sensitivity have mainly focused on children's knowledge itself and have paid little attention to the origins of such knowledge. However, the present study examined how adults talk to children about contamination as 1 possible source of children's knowledge. Practice or Policy: Study 1 involved 32 days of observations during lunchtime at 3 Tokyo preschools. The teachers frequently told children to adhere to hygiene habits such as washing their hands. Although preschool teachers attached much weight to hygiene, their explanations were not precise. They often used 1-word or 1-phrase directions (e.g., Dirty) or just input-output explanations such as Please wash your hands, or you'll get sick. Explanations of why breaking hygiene norms would lead to sickness were seldom offered to children. In Study 2, 26 children age 3 (M age = 3.7) and 22 children age 5 (M age = 5.7) were asked to explain why breaking hygiene norms would lead to sickness. In contrast with teachers' simple expressions in Study 1, even 3-year-old children frequently generated contamination mechanism explanations (e.g., referring to germs and disgust transmission spontaneously).

During the weaning period, infants are not skilled at self-feeding and caregivers play a prominent role in feeding. Solid feeding is therefore an inherently collaborative and interactive process between infants and caregivers. The present study examined how caregivers and infants coordinate their solid feeding interactions, based on naturalistic longitudinal observations of three Japanese mother-infant dyads. The main results were as follows. Four or five months after weaning (about 10-11 months of age), children's mouth movements and mothers' arm movements became more synchronized, and the success or failure of coordinated feeding became independent on children's gaze behavior. During this same period, both mothers' and children's body movements accelerated. Specifically, children's food-intake motions and mothers' food-carrying movements became faster together, although before 10-11 months fluctuations of these motions were not as correlated. Finally, at 9-11 months of age rhythmic body movements became frequent. From the first day of weaning, all three mothers swayed their bodies rhythmically while feeding, and about 2-3 months later their children also began to sway as they ate, at first infectiously but later spontaneously. These observations indicate how specific behavioral development contributes to mother-infant coordination in feeding. (C) 2014 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.

During the weaning period, infants are not skilled at self-feeding and caregivers play a prominent role in feeding. Therefore, solid feeding is an inherently collaborative and interactive process between caregivers and infants. The present study examined how caregivers and infants coordinate to construct solid feeding interactions, as an analysis of naturalistic longitudinal observations of three Japanese mother-infant dyads. The main results were as follows. After 2 or 3 months post-weaning, mothers' arm movements became non-fluid while feeding children. This non-fluidity was associated with rapid changes in the movement patterns of the mother's arms and the child's mouth. Compared to the development of children's mouth movements, mothers' arm movements developed quickly. This imbalance in the pace of change may have been one cause of non-fluency. While feeding, even though mothers did not eat the children's food, they frequently moved their mouths as if they were eating. The frequency of this maternal behavior differed according to their feeding styles, and mothers' movement patterns corresponded well with their babies' mouth movements. These findings clarify the importance of mothers' eating-like mouth movements for the weaning process. (C) 2013 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.

本研究では、質問紙調査を実施することにより、様々な人権や公共の福祉が葛藤する場面における大学生(n=246)の判断と推論を検討した。調査対象者の中には法学専攻の学生は含まれていない。様々な人権の葛藤を含む4つのストーリーを提示した。道徳的判断を求める質問紙(n=141)では「どうすべきか」という判断を求め、法的判断を求める質問紙(n=105)では「もしあなたが裁判員だったとしたら、どのように考えますか?裁判員としてどうすべきかを判断してください。」と質問した。大学生の判断は、性別、現在の専攻、高校時代の社会科選択科目、法律用語に関する知識量、人権について深く考えさせられた経験の有無によって大きく異ならなかった。また、道徳的判断と法的判断との間にも明らかな相違がなかった。さらに、「適正手続きの無視」、「人柄への過度の注目」、「一方の利益のみを考慮」、「可能性の決めつけ」といったヒューリスティックスがかなりの大学生に認められた。

<p>This study investigates whether cultivation practices in nursery schools affect preschoolers' awareness of the processes of food production. The target preschool, nursery school A, was located in the Tama area in Tokyo. Children from school A participated in various cultivation and food processing activities such as growing rice and vegetables and pickling ume. In Study 1, five-and six-year-olds from school A (n=39) and in the other school (n=40) were individually asked to explain why we must eat various types of food, chew food well, say 'Itadakimasu', and not leave food on plates. The answers given by the children did not differ between the two schools. The children from school A gave more detailed answers to questions regarding the processes of food production. In Study 2, 21, mealtime interaction between four-year-olds in school A were observed. While eating, the preschoolers frequently chatted about cultivation and food processing activities. Finally, the implications of cultivating activities in schools were discussed in view of the results.</p>

In Experiment 1, Japanese children (4-, 5-, 7-, and 10-year-olds (n = 78)) and adults (n = 36), answered questions about the possibility of psychogenic bodily reactions, i.e., bodily outcomes with origins in the mind. The 4- and 5-year-old preschoolers typically denied that bodily conditions could originate in mental states. Developmentally, recognition of psychogenic bodily reactions appeared between ages 8 and 11. Experiment 2 showed that these findings did not depend on whether reactions were positive or negative. The preschoolers had some difficulty in assuming not only negative but also positive psychogenic bodily reactions. In Experiment 3, 5-, 6-, 8-, and 11-year-old children (n = 70) and adults (n = 18) were asked to explain why physical/psychological states would lead to bodily outcomes. Adults relied on mechanical causation for physically induced bodily reactions, while for psychogenic reactions they often referred to vitalistic concepts. In contrast, young children sometimes referred to vitalistic concepts for physically induced reactions, but seldom did so for psychogenic reactions. Vitalistic causality appears to change from causality based on only the body, to a framework that applies not only bodily but also to mental phenomena.

栽培活動を行っているA保育園の実践が,作物の生命認識や栽培手続きの生物学的理解を変化させるかどうかを検討した。A園では,作物の栽培活動が頻繁に行われており,栽培した作物を給食や行事のなかで調理・加工して食べる活動が日常的に行われている。研究1では,A園の6歳児18名と対照園の6歳児16名に対するインタビュー調査を行った。その結果,A園の子どもは対照園の子どもよりも,栽培経験のあるキュウリを生物学的理由に基づいて「生きている」と判断し,「おいしいミニトマトをつくるため」の栽培手続きをより多くあげた。ただし,栽培経験のないパイナップルに対する生命認識は,園間で差が認められなかった。研究2では,A園の6歳児16名と,対照園の6歳児19名に対するインタビュー調査を行った結果,A園の子どもは草と木を生命あるものとしてより認識していることが示された。また,馴染みのない状況(水をやりすぎた・日光が当たらない)における「食べられるもの」であるパイナップルの反応について,より生物学的な予測を行った。ただし,このことは「食べられるもの」ではないヒマワリについては顕著でなかった。

小学校1・2年生38名とその母親を対象として，心的状態に由来する身体反応に関する子どもの理解と，心因性の身体的不調を過去に経験したことの関連性を検討した．小学校1・2年生は，「緊張してお腹が痛くなった」のように心的状態が身体反応を生じさせる可能性があることを，十分には気づいていなかった．心因性の身体反応に関する理解は，心因性の身体反応を経験したことがあるかどうかに関する子どもの自己報告とは関連したものの，母親の報告とは関連しなかった．また，心因性の身体反応を経験したことがあると自己報告した子どもは，心因性の身体反応がなぜ生じるかについて，生気論的・機械論的因果性に依拠した説明を与えることが多かった．母親は，子どもが経験した身体的不調の原因を心的状態にあると考えていても，子どもは身体的要因から生じたとみなしている場合が多かった．以上の結果は，小学校1・2年生が，身体的不調の原因として心的要因を仮定するだけの認知的枠組みを有していないことを示唆していた．

3つの個別研究により,プライバシーと知る権利に関する子どもの理解を検討した。研究1では,小学4年生・6年生・中学2年生・大学生を対象として,同じクラスに属していれば誰もが容易に知り得る情報(公的な情報: たとえば,入っているクラブ活動の名前),容易に知り得ず,私事性の強い情報(私的な情報: たとえば,日記や小遣い帳の内容),両者の申間にあたる情報(準公的な情報: たとえば家で遊んだ友達の名前)を,学級新聞に掲載してもよいか/すべきでないか判断を求めたところ,4年生も年長者と同じように,公的な情報は掲載してもよいが私的な情報は掲載すべきでないと判断することが多かった。研究2では,小学4・6年生は,「よいこと」が書かれた日記や,「よい」動機によって電話番号を教えてほしいと頼まれた場合には情報を開示してもよいと判断し,「悪いこと」が書かれた日記や「悪い」動機によって電話番号を教えてほしいと頼まれた場合には開示すべきでないと判断する傾向が高かった。年長者は,情報内容や動機のよしあしにかかわらず,開示すべきでないと判断することが多かった。研究3では,たとえプライバシーを侵害したとしても,社会の利益となる情報は開示すべきであるという判断が,小学4年生にも一部認められたが,年長者ほど顕著ではなかった。

A series of five experiments evaluated whether young children are aware of biological transformations associated with eating and breathing. In Experiment 1, children aged 4, 5, 7, and 8 years predicted that biological damage results from lack of eating and breathing. Children also recognised that food changes inside the body, but seldom referred spontaneously to biological transformation. In Experiments 2 and 2A, children were presented with several alternative explanations of what food and air would be like inside the human body. Both preschoolers and elementary schoolchildren assumed that air would acquire warmth and colour inside the body. The older children consistently understood biological transformation of food. Preschoolers accepted the idea that food undergoes a transformation necessary for health and growth, but did not think so when the transformation was expressed in a material sense. In Experiments 3 and 3A, some preschoolers predicted the transformation of resources inside familiar and unfamiliar living things, but not inside nonliving things. In addition, some 4- and 5-year-olds recognised the sun&apos;s contribution to "digestive" processes for plants, but not for mammals. Finally, the question of whether early understanding of digestion can be termed "theory-like" was discussed.

Three experiments evaluated the basis of associational contamination thinking among Japanese college students and 4- and 7-year-old children. "Associational contamination thinking" is the belief that mere proximity between a contaminant and a substance will render the substance noxious even without direct contact between contaminants and substances. In Experiment 1, 7-year-olds and adults engaged in associational contamination thinking more often for disgusting (feces and roaches) and dangerous (poison and O-157) contaminants than for taste contaminants (salt and sugar). However, 4-year-olds&apos; predictions were not different among the three types of contaminants. In Experiment 2, when contaminants were assumed to have some biological properties, both adults and 7-year-olds were somewhat more likely to engage in associational contamination thinking; however, such a relation was not found in 4-year-olds. Younger children&apos;s similar thinking with related to all contaminants was not attributable to ignorance of the necessity of physical contact. Instead, it appeared to be due in part to overreliance on perceptual cues, as was suggested in Experiment 3.

保育園の2歳児・4歳児クラスの食事場面を観察し, 子ども達がどのようにして席を決めるのかを分析した結果, 以下のことが示された。第1に, 4歳児の方が2歳児に比べて, 自分または他者の着席位置に関して身体的・言語的行為による意見表明をより多く行っていた。第2に, 2歳児も4歳児も, 対面あるいは斜めに柏対する位置関係(タテの位置関係)よりも, 隣合わせあるいは直角に並ぶ位置関係(∃コの位置関係)を好んだ。第3に, 2歳児については, 相互交渉の頻繁さと着席位置の問に関違がみられた。すなわち, タテよりもヨコの位置関係において, より多くの相互交渉が生起し展開していた。第4に, 2歳児は身体接触や目前にある亭物への注目から相互交渉を始めることが多く, 4歳児は日前の事物に縛られない話題から始めることが多かった。第5に, 2歳児の場合, 身体接触や事物への注目をきっかけとした相互交渉はタテの位置関係よりも, ヨコの位置関係において頻繁にみられた。以上の結果に基づき, 食事場面における着席位置の好みと, 社会的相互交渉との関違性を議論した。

This study examined whether voluntary participation in animal care activities in school was associated with 6-year-old children's (N = 41) understanding of animal care procedures. Children who often participated in such activities had better understanding of animal care procedures, based on physical characteristics specific to target animals. But levels of participation were not associated with understanding of procedures which are common to both animals and humans. The results of this study suggest that voluntary participation in animal care activities, reflection on animal care procedures, and other factors all are related to young children's understanding of animal care procedures at school.

人間が操作する装置は,インタフェースと,インタフェースを介して情報をやりとりし実際の処理を行う中枢部分という二つの構成要素からなる.従来の装置操作研究では,装置の全体的な構造のみに関する情報を操作者に教示してきたため,装置の構成要素が装置操作学習において果たす役割は明らかにされていない.本研究では,簡単な仕組みの装置を用いて,中枢部と表示部についての情報が学習過程にどのような役割を果たすか実験した.その結果,装置の中枢部についての情報だけを与えられた条件では,訓練課題および転移課題においてその効果が認められなかった.しかしながら,出力部の教示を与えられていると,与えられていない場合と学習時間は変わらなくても,操作量の変動幅が小さく,無駄の少ない操作をするようになった.学習過程を検討した結果,装置操作の過程は装置に対する仮説の生成と検証からなっており,教示で与えられた情報は,不適切な仮説の生成を抑制し,学習をより迅速にかつ正しい方へ導くという役割をもっていることが示唆された.

We eat and dine everyday. Then how the concept of "dining" is perceived by people? The purpose of this study is to find out the process of acquiring the concept about "dining" through questionnaires concerning "a typical image of dining scene," "a typical image of dining script," and their reasons. The sample consisted of 188 second-, 211 fourth-, 201 sixth-, and 154 eighth grade children, 293 college students, and 246 parents whose children are elementary school pupils. The results are as follows: (1) The typical image commonly shared by the adult sample was to eat nutrious and delicious foods, chatting with their family or intimate friends in the evening at home. (2) Second grade children were found to attach much importance to the physiological function of "dining," sixth and eighth grade children to the function of ''dining," to the family life, college students to the more general social function of "dining," and parents to both physiological and social functions. In other words, the concept of dining develops from the physiological function through the familial to the social functions with ages. (3) Females attached much importance to all functions of ''dining" than makes.

Many Japanese girls seem to continue to play make-believe using commercial dolls after their early childhood. The kinds of developmental changes that happen to these girls, however, has not been investigated. In this study we observed 27 groups (9 groups at each of three elementary school grades, 1-2, 3-4, and 5-6) each of which was composed of 2 to 6 girls. Their playing with commercial dolls was audiotaped. We found that everyday script-based activities in home-and school-life were played more often than non-everyday activities such as a wedding, but that older graders tended to engage in non-everyday activities more often than younger Often played script-based activities were "getting-up", "dining", and "going-to-bed". Among these only in the going-to-bed script the children's utterances per slot increased with age. The number of different meanings acted out in each script increased with age. One type of meta-narratives, i.e., upsetting the play frame itself, also increased with age. These last two trends were considered to be unique to higher graders.