This study tried to investigate the ways in which globalization, especially deepening free trade, evoke various domestic responses and form domestic trade politics, using the case study method in combination with the quantitative analysis. We adopted two comparative case studies: We compare trade politics in Japan with South Korea, where free trade agreements have thrived, while we analyze how the politics of TPP played out at the national as well as the local politics levels. Based on the findings of the case study, we designed and conducted the internet survey experiments as well as the candidate surveys for the 2012 and 2014 Lower House Elections. We found expected employment concerns and consumer's benefit of the TPP played an important role in forming people's attitudes toward it. In addition, national security concerns framed within the real political discourse influence people's way of evaluating the TPP

This research tries to explore how domestic political reactions are fostered to the increasing economic and financial globalization focusing on general public and the political and economic actors, and finds several factors influencing their attitudes toward globalization.

Analyzing the three waves of survey data conducted over three decades with politicians, bureaucrats, and interest group leaders, we have published a book edited by Ikuo Kume and Michio Muramatsu, who has been in charge of these surveys,. This book tried to make sensed the structural change in Japanese politics over three decades. Having achieved this task, we moved on to the next step, that is causal inquiries of this transformation. In due course, we combined our survey data analysis with mass survey data analysis and social-economic data analysis as well as detailed case studies. In order to integrate these various analyses conducted by the project members, we had an interim international workshop in Kobe(March 2006). Then we organized an international conference Modeling Power Relationships in Japanese Democracy with the Center for Study of Democratic Institutions at the University of British Columbia in Vancouver, inviting political scientists studying Japanese politics comparatively, Professors T.J.Pempel, Ellis Krauss, Megumi Naoi and others. The members of this project presented their papers and had intensive discussion with various participants.
Our general findings are 1) Japanese policy making process, which used to be fairly fragmented and decentralized, has become substantially centralized at the top leader level, and 2) this change is consistent with changes in the state-societal relations being analyzed by the mass survey analysis and the interest group studies. We are now preparing to submit these analyses to the international journals.

The aim of this project is to clarify the characteristics of the core-executives of several countries. The concept of core-executive implies not a single leader such as prime minister or president but networks of prime minister, cabinet members, cabinet committees, higher civil servants and so on.The papers of this report analyze respectively the core-executives of the United States, the United Kingdom, France, Japan, and Thailand. These studies, as a whole, shows a intriguing paradox that on one hand the politics have become more pluralistic, and on the other hand the core executives have been centralized in spite of a variety of histories, institutions, political dynamism among these countries.Accordingly, our research subject hereafter would be to investigate what has brought the centralization of the core-executives and to analyze the above-mentioned paradox

This research intends to analyze Japanese politics after the high economic growth era, by conducting the survey research and the case study. The survey research team conducted three separate surveys for bureaucrats, parliamentarians, and interest group leaders respectively (between 2001 and 2003), which are compared with previous two waves of surveys. It is expected that we can observe changing self-perceptions of the policy actors and perceived interactions among them over three waves of survey research. The surveys of bureaucrats and parliamentarians have been completed by 2002, while the survey of interest group leaders has just completed in February 2004. We found several interesting changes : the self-perceived influence of bureaucrats declined ; politicians became less dependent on bureaucrats for policy information, information channel between interest groups and the government (i.e., politicians and bureaucrats) became narrower after the 1993 political realignment. We are now continuing our analysis in order to analyze the impact of the alteration of the government in 1993 as well as long term trends over 30 years.
The case study team investigated 55 cases of policy making. We tried to pick up the cases in the 1990s broadly. We are interested in depicting the typical policy making process in the 1990s. In due course, we conducted a detailed analysis of each case, but we also try to combine the case study method with the survey analysis, because we believe we can answer the question of "who governs" by doing so. Two teams established two separate series of workshops, but are coordinated in order to combine the findings of the general trends in politics based on survey research and concrete nitty-gritty observations of the policy making in the 1990s.

The purpose of this research was to analyze from a political science point of view, the reason behind the delay in Japan's policies towards the bubble economy. In order to accomplish this, the project collected and compiled data and material, while also conducting extensive interviews and theoretical research. Furthermore, public opinion polls and press information was accumulated for data analysis. The emphasis of the project cab be dividedinto two parts : 1) fto, Mabuchi, and Onishi explaining the managing of the post-bubble collapse, and 2) Kato, Kume, and Shinada explaining environment priori o and after the bubble economy. In l), Ito and Mabuchi focused on the jusen problem. As this issue severely damagedthe image of using public funds among the general public, this made it increasingly difficult to utilize the same policy in relieving the bad credit, problem. Mabuchi followed the first, and second rebuilding plan of the NichijuMn, and examined the policies and actions of the actors. Ito used the neo institutionalism approach to explain the convoy policy and other numerous bureaupratic scandals. Onishi examined the Korean currency crisis, and explained the limits that were revealed of the quasi-central bank, leading to the the flight of the investors.In 2), Kato revealed the similarity and low fluidity shared among bureaucrats, parlies, and business institutions. The pros to this trait is that it is efficient when forming a consensus and implementation, yet the cons are that, it permits the demise of the functions of the institution. Kume examined and analyzed the press response to the usage of public funds to relieve bad credit. Shinada examined the election promises of each candidate and categorized them into two groups, "total-individual" and "creation-revision." The results revealed that after 1993, "creation-revision" type political reform pledges increased dramatically.As seen above, the project succeeded in fulfilling its main objectives. However, there still remain a few areas that still need to be examined. Upon incorporating the final results, the project will be published at the earliest, possible time

During the final year of the research project, each participant conducted archival research in addition to conducting interviews. Furthermore, a study session was arranged where each project member gave a paper Mowed by a discussion. This was the final preparation before the final publication of the results.1) Archival material collection and organizationThe first results of our project was the accumulation of Kochikai related data and archival material. The title, position, and election results of all current and former Kochikai diet members were assimilated into a large database. This allowed us to analyze the traits specific to the Kochikai. Also, back issues of the Kochikai journal, Shinro, were collected and each article was reviewed and organized.2) InterviewInterviews were conducted again this year to ftirther our analysis of the Kochikai. The leader of our project, Makoto loldbe, interviewed Kiichi Myazawa. In addition, non-Kochikai politicians such as Yasuhiro Nakasone and Ryutaro Hashimoto were also interviewed. The findings were shared with the other project members. In the final stages, Hajime Morita - EM Secretary in the Ohira administration and later a Koehikai politician - was interviewed by all * the project members. This was followed by lecture on economic policy by Professor Ryuei Nakatmira.3) Research presentationMembers Shinada and Fukunaga presented their findings of their analysis ofKochikai politicians. Murata analyzed the political reason why there were so many Kochikai politicians who became defense ministers. Nakanishi and Kume analyzed the economic policies of the Kochikai. Nakanishi focused on the economic philosophy of Osamu Shimomura who was policy advisor in the Ikeda administration. loltibe summarized these findings in order to ascertain the significance of the Kochikai within postwar Japanese politics.4) Publication of findingsThe above results will be published in a forthcoming monograph by PHP Publishers

Recently, Japan has undergone a major change in the electoral law for the House of Representatives. The new law enacted in fall 1994 has installed a "parallel system" combining proportional representation (PR) and plurality rule or a small district (SMD) system. This study examines two types of sophisticated voting - strategic voting and strategic balancing - that can be operative in the parallel system. It is shown that the parallel system contains institutional provisions (double candidacies and the loser-winner ratio) that make SMD votes nonexclusive and transferable to the PR portion, hence reducing the extent of strategic voting and weakening a tendency toward local two-partism. When more than two effective parties compete in a plurality election, parties holding similar policy and political orientations ought to coordinate their candidates in order to prevent the opposing parties from gaining electoral victory. Under the parallel system, however, the parties have disincentives to coordinate. Thus, Downsian centrist policy pressures are not imposed upon the winning party formulating a new government. In order to pressure it toward centrist policy, moderate voters with two votes under the parallel system perform the acts of balancing so that a coalition government is formed to check policy extremism that is otherwise pursued by a pluralist party constituting the core of a new government. The extent of strategic balancing is found to be associated with the degree of opposition coordination failures

This research project examined very rapid and drastic transformations in Japanese and European politics, focusing upon the three aspects : (1) party realignment observed in changing voters' party supports and shifting coalition buildings among the political parties, (2) the restructuring of political economy, particularly in the area of political intervention into the economic activities as well as the restructuring of the labor market and the welfare institutions, and (3) progresses and stagnations in regional integration in Europe and East Asia.The problems are complex and varied among various regions and countires, and the individual participants in this project have explored these varieties in his/her papers. The following generalizations, however, have drawn from this research project. Golobalization mostly due to the revolutions of information technologies, the collapse of the Soviet block, and the comeback of American military and economic hegemonies In the 1990s resulted in the further "re introduction" of market economy in Japan and tire western European nations. This has inevitably involved party realingnent in each county, the restructuring of the government-society relations and progressive regional integration. On the other hand, these general trends have been counterbalanced by the differences between Japan and Europe as well as those among the individual nation states. Those differences are mostly due to histrical legacies built in as the institutional arrangements such as the characteristics of the governmental and the market structure in each nations

The activities of this project ware as follows :
1. Workshop in Kobe (12 December 1993)
2. Conference on "State and Administration in Germany and in Japan" in Kyoto (1-3 March 1994)
On 1-3 March 1994, the conference was hold at the International House in Kyoto. Following the last year's conference, which was held in Berlin, 5 German members and 6 Japanese members presented 12 papers.
Gerhald Lehmbruch "The German State and Its Environment : A Developmental Analysis"
Michio Muramatsu "Transformation of Japanese Bureaucracy under the Impact of Internationalization"
Frieder Naschold "Industrial Policy in Germany : Old Issues and New Challenges"
Masaru Mabuchi "Financing the Japanese Industries : Industrial Policies of the Financial Ministry and Financial Policies of the Industrial Ministry"
Gerhard Lehmbruch "Varieties of the 'Network State'? : Elements of a German-Japanese Comparison"
Adrienne Heritier "State and Society in German Social Policy"
Kuniaki Tanabe "Pluralization and Diversification of Welfare Programs in Japan"
Koichiro Agata "Telecommunication Policy in Germany and in Japan"
Hellumut Wollmann "Administrative Reform Movements and Developments in Germany"
Mitsutoshi Ito "Japanese Administrative Reform in the 1980s"
Maria Oppen "Labour Policy in Germany : Regulation of the Age Limits to paid Workers"
Ikuo Kume "Labor Policy in Japan : Labor Policies in the Era of Neo-Conservatism"
Most Papers were paired, and the state and administration of the two countries were compared.
In the conference, participants agreed that 1) both Japan and Germany are deeply affected by the institutionalized policies, but 2) both countries gradually go to other same direction under the strong pressure from internationalization and the interdependence of policies. It is also be noted here that there was argument on the methodological point of view.
3. Workshop in Tokyo (5 March 1994)
Following the Kyoto Conference, another workshop was held in Tokyo. In the workshop, 2 members of both countries and other German specialists were participated in.
Finally, the activities of the conference are now being considered to be published in English.

We had 4 meetings at the workshop held in Berlin on March 25, 26 and 27, 1993. The papers presented were as follows.
March 25 Postwar State in Changing Environment Administrative Reform
March 26 Social Policy Industrial/Labor Policy
G. Lehmbruch M. Muramatsu H. Wollmann M. Mabuchi A. Windhoff-Heritier M. Itoh F. Naschold I. Kume K. Agata
On March 27, we had a meeting to plan the second workshop, and decided about it as follows. The site of the second workshop will be somewhere in Kyoto. The date will be on October 16 and 17, 1993.
The language we use for writing papers and conversation in the second workshop will be English as was in the first workshop. After the second workshop, we revise the papers based on the comments and criticisms made in the first workshop and will translate them into Japanese and Germany for publication both in Japanese and Germany.

1. For the empirical study of the measures to meet the Information-Society and computerization in research and education of Political Science, at first in 1990, we sent questionnaires about the measures for that purpose to schools and institutions in which research and education of Political Science are held in Japan. Organs as samples amount to 164 and from 104 of them we could get answer-sheets. After aggregation of data from these answer-sheets by personal computer, we published first report-bulletin for this research project in June, 1991.
2. As a second poll for this project, we sent questionnaires about the measures for that to all the members of Japanese Political Science Association (JPSA) in summer, 1991. From 401 members we could get answers, and we aggregated data from these answers like the first research. 63.1% of cases use Word-Processors and 38.7% use Personal Computers. We published second report-bulletin for this research project in March, 1992.

We implemented the following researches.
(1) Creation of Data Barik : To be more exact, we developed the Data Bank System that is designed to store ai-id utilize political data.
(2) Creation of Survey Data Bank system : We rearranged all the information concerning to the Survey Data related to politics and stored them in HIKARI Disk File System. Also, we altered the Ministry of Autonomy Survey Data to PC format and developed Data Bank that is especially designed for PC. Furthermore, we solved the inconsistencies in variable numbers that are making time series analysis in ANES Survey Data difficult by assigning new consistent variable numbers and by creating the chart that connects old variable numbers to the new ones.
(3) Creation of Aggregate Data Bank : We gathered, rearranged and stored political aggregate data such as election results of various countries in the Data Bank. We also gathered and stored data that relate to politicians' careers.
(4) Popularization of the Data Bank : We drew up manuals for the Data Bank and for the data itself to aim easy and wide spread use of the Data Bank.
For the future improvement, we will actively gather, rearrange and input political data into this Data Bank system.

本研究の目的は、占領期日本に関する資料状況・研究状況を全般的に検討し、それにもとづいて、政治・外交をはじめ、経済・社会・文化の諸領域にまたがる占領期日本の変動を総合的に研究するための組織を企画し準備することにあった。
その目的は十分に達成されたと考える。たび重なる研究・打合せ会議を、神戸・東京などで行い、活発な意見交換を通して、平成3年度の重点領域研究を申請することを決定し、11の班と70名余の研究者によって構成される研究グル-プを作りあげることができた。諸分野の専門家から成る学際的研究である点は当初の予定通りであるが、研究テ-マと問題関心については、討議を通して大きな拡がりを持つに至った。すなわち、研究対象をたんに「占領期日本」に局限するのではなく、占領期を中心に高度成長が構造化するまでの「戦後日本の形成」を総合的に検討し、戦後日本の全体像を提示することを目的とすることになった。現在の日本が「戦後日本」をあとに、歴史の新しい局面に進もうとしていることは、「戦後日本とは何か」に答えることを急務としているのみならず、資料状況・研究状況も本格的な研究を可能にしていると判断されるからである。国際的に理解可能な総合的研究とするため、多様な分析視角を導入することとした。戦後日本の国際的要因と国内的要因、戦後社会の国際比較、戦前・戦後の連続と非連続、戦後の外交・政治・社会文化の継承と変容などを主要な共通的問題関心とし、占領改革、1950年代の戦後体制の形成を通しての高度成長への帰結を、各レベル・各分野で分析しつつ、全体像の解明を試みる。以上のような重点領域研究「戦後日本の形成の総合的研究」(代表者・渡辺昭夫東京大学教授)を申請するという目的を達成したことを御報告申しあげたい。終りに、この企画につき相談に乗っていただいた故砂子田忠孝氏の御冥福を祈りたい。

戦後体制が大きな起伏と輻輳を伴いつつ形成された1950年代について多角的に調査研究した結果、細部の実証とともに全体像をかなり概念化できる段階に達した。占領改革の所産たる憲法体制の上に、吉田茂は講和に際し日米安保体制を重ねた。それは冷戦環境下で日本が西側に帰属することを鮮明にしつつ、自由貿易体制への参与を通して通商国家として再生する選択を含意た(吉田ドクトリン)。独立後55年体制形成期の日本政治は「反吉田」を暗部の動因とし、鳩山・石橋内閣は米国以外に外交的地平を拡げる途を模索した。同時に吉田の経済中心主義に対し「改憲再軍備」を掲げ伝統的ナショナリズムの再生を尋ねた。それを一層果敢に試みたのが岸内閣であったが、「平和と民主主義」を掲げる革新勢力は激しく反発し、二極化するイデオロギー対決が50年代後半の外見上の主要な特徴となった。鳩山から岸政権までを、権力構造の再強化を図る国家主義的時代とまとめうるが、実は複雑な不連続面が走っている。日米体制から見れば、東側陣営との関係改善を追求する鳩山・石橋と、対米関係の深化からさらなる利益を引き出す岸とは正反対に近い。ワシントンはそう見ており、そのことが国内の革新側ナショナリズムの岸とは正反対に近い。ワシントンはそう見ており、そのことが国内の革新側ナショナリズムの岸への批判を強化した。経済政策について、吉田・池田が主に大蔵省を用い金融政策を通じて総資本の存続と体質強化を課題としていたとすれば、鳩山から岸らは通産省等を使って中小企業育成や福祉政策にも熱心であり、ポピュリスト的な利益民主主義の形成を促進した。こうした国内政策の重点の変化は戦後政治体制を固めるうえで無視しがたい要因であることが、社会集団・利益団体の側からの研究を通しても認識された

本研究においては、日本とヨーロッパの政治についての本格的研究を準備することを念頭において、両地球の研究状況を知るため日本とヨーロッパの政治についての文献の検討を中心とし、その上で、日本の日欧政治研究者のネットワークを作り上げることにも努力した。以上の一般的作業に加えて、それぞれの班ごとに、次のような作業を行った。第1班は、1990年代における政党再編の過程をテーマとして、理論的および実証的研究を開始し、タブリン大学のマイケル・レ-ヴァー教授を中心とするヨーロッパの政治学者との国際的共同研究の準備を行った。ここでは、連合政権形成とそれぞれの政党における党内派閥の形態との関係、政党システムと棄権率との関係、日仏、日伊、日英の3つの2国間比較を、3つの主要テーマとして、来年度以降本格的比較研究を行うこととなった。第2班は、1980年代以降のネオ・リベラリズムの登場によって、政府と企業との関係がいかなる再編をとげてきたかをテーマとして討論を重ね、エグジタ-大学のスティーヴン・ウィルクス教授を中心とするヨーロッパ側との国際共同研究の準備を行った。ここでは、産業政策、競争維持政策、福祉政策につき、それぞれ日仏、日英、日独の3つの2国間比較を行う準備が整えられた。第3班は、ヨーロッパおよびアジアにおける地域統合の最近の動向を理論的に解明することに焦点を置き、ウォーイック大学のヒゴット教授との国際共同研究の準備を行った。ここでは、安全保障、経済交流、ナショナル・アイデンティティを主要テーマとして、将来本格的研究を行うための準備が整えられた。以上の過程で、本研究組織のそれぞれのメンバーが、英文で研究計画およびリサーチ・ノートを執筆し、これを交換して、相互に批評しあう作業を行った

大競争時代において日本とドイツの技能形成制度がいかなる試練に直面しているかの事実の検討を行い、技能形成の仕組みの変容と政府の政策の関係を分析した。1:日独技能形成システムが実際にどの様に機能してきたかにつき、既存の研究を利用してThelen教授との間に共通の理解を形成するべく、両者が文献レビューペーパーを行いその知見を交換した。2:日本の事例について、新聞・雑誌記事の分析、専門家への意見聴取等を用いて現状の把握に努めた。そこでの関心は、技能形成が企業から外部化された場合の政策対応(職業訓練政策、職業教育政策、産業政策等)とその実現可能性にあった。そこでは、従来のOJTを中心とする技能形成に替えて、技能形成を外部化する動きが観察された。しかし、それがどの程度まで伝統的な仕組みを変革するかについては、まだ判断を下すに到らなかった。3:Thelen教授が来日した機会を捉えて、日独技能形成制度の抱える問題を議論し、これへの政策的対応が現実にどのような方向でなされつつあるかを日独について比較分析するための基礎的作業を行った。この問題を検討する上で、両国における失業率の上昇、潜在的失業の存在に注目すべき点で意見が一致した。将来、この共同研究を失業問題が政治的にどのように解釈されるかという観点から、更に発展させることとなった

This is the summary of research program linking Japanese and European scholars, arising from cooperation between the European Consortium for Political Research (ECPR) and the Japanese Political Science Association (JPSA).To build on the success of the first phase, the ECPR and JPSA have formally agreed to begin the second phase of the joint project. This time, project leaders were Ikuo Kabashima and Kenneth Newton. The project was composed of four groups. Group 1, dealing with Political Attitudes and Values in Europe and Asia was convened by Takashi Inoguchi and John Blondel. Group 2, dealing with Democratization was convened by Hideo Otake and Geoffrey Pridham. Group 3, dealing with Political Philosophy was convened by Takeshi Sasaki, Shin Chiba, and Terrell Carver. Group 4, on Political Economy was coordinated by Ikuo Kume and Bo Rothstein.The four groups had joint workshops in Quebec in 2000, and Canterbury in 2001. In addition to these workshops, groups met independently in Tokyo, Kyoto and other European cities.The example of the joint project is the special issue of Electoral Studies. The papers in this special issue are all connected with the analysis of party system dynamics and change in Japan and Europe, dealing with matters such as party splits and fusions, the role of party factions, voting behavior ; electoral systems and party organization. This special issue pays particular attention to the juxtaposition of the Japanese and Italian cases this juxtaposition is instructive given the similarities between the current Japanese and Italian electoral systems, the convulsions recently experienced in both party systems, and the similar roles played in both systems by large, powerful, but yet highly factionalised parties- the Italian DC or its successors and the Japanese LDP. These papers are included in the present report. A Japanese-language version is appearing in the journal Leviathan.As I said this is second phase of the joint ECPR-JPSA research projects and this has been more productive and stimulating than the first

1.昨年度に引き続き、1990年代から現在までの経済危機が新聞においてどのように報道されてきたかを、内容分析の手法に基づいて分析した。その結果、当初危機が循環的な問題として理解されていたのが、不良債権問題、更に日本経済の構造問題として争点化されてきたこと、「経済危機」 への対応が、当初の対処療法的なものから、不良債権処理促進、金融危機対応から、構造改革へと性格を変えてきた原因であることが更に確認された。2.80年代に日本の経済繁栄を支えたとされた日本的経営に対する評価が逆転し、それの根本的変革が唱道されるようになったこと。それが、日本経済の構造改革の一環として主張されるに至ったことを示した。しかし、日本的経営を支えた3本柱とされる「年功賃金」、「終身雇用」、「協調的労使関係」について、個別に見ていくと、それらがどの程度実際に変化してきたかについては、大きな差異があることを、更に事例研究によって分析した。3.労使関係の変化について、キャサリン・セレン教授と日独比較分析に加えて、スウェーデンの事例を分析し、日本、ドイツ、スウェーデンという代表的な調整型市場経済において、従来とは異なる新たな労使連合と利益対立の分岐が生じていることを明らかにしたことりわけ、3カ国に共通に見られる新たな利益対立分岐は、輸出セクターと非輸出セクターの間に生じていることが解明された。4.上記の、分析をふまえて、制度変化と制度的相互補完性に関する英文研究論文を発表した。なお、その草稿は、欧米の研究者に回覧してコメントを得た