Ikutaro Shimizu, a renowned sociologist and one of the opinion leaders in Japan following World War II, confessed “I am also one of the common people." in the article “ Shomin" (1950). Why did he make such a confession? First, he came from the lower classes, and had both pride and shame in the fact. Secondly, the common people embodied directly the human nature that occupied an important position in his sociological theory. Thirdly, he was actively involved in the national movement for peace. In short, he wanted to distinguish himself from other progressive intellectuals in terms of sympathy and solidarity with the common people.But the concept of the common people lost effectiveness through the 1950's and 1960's. They were transformed into the new crowds in the development of the mass media, particularly TV, and high economic growth. On the other hand, Shimizu parted from the movement for peace, and came to concentrate on academic research. For Shimizu, the new crowds were not objects of sympathy and solidarity any longer, but objects that had to be criticized severely in comparing with aristocrats. In his later years, Shimizu came to insist on the necessity of patriotism and sociability to get over mass society

The objectives of this study is to describe in detail the historical economic and sociological significance of the development and demise of the coal mining industry in Japan which sustained the basis of heavy capitalism by supplying primary energy during the 19^<th> to the mid-20^<th> Century through an example in Northeast Japan. Also we stored comparative historical records and data in a retrievable system. The above objective was accomplished through the following five steps.
(1) Construction of a large data base of micro-data regarding the careers of 89% of the workers who were once employed by the Joban Coal Mine Co.
(2) Longitudinal analysis of various careers of individual miners from the initial employment to the termination of employment.
(3) Analyses of the connection between the careers at the mine and those of the jobs after the closure of the mine and of the effect of involuntary career interruption.
(4) Construction of data base and analysis of the process of separation from work for the former miners who had once worked at the Joban Coal Mine Co..
(5) Public usage of the large-scale micro data after digitizing the various micro data.
All records of workers' employment during the late 1950s to early 60s (about 80,000 events) were digitized and a large-scale data base of the detailed careers of the entire 6,459 coal-mine workers was constructed. On the other hand, there were 4,209 workers at the mine closure in 1971. Eighty-nine percent of them, namely 3,747 people, whose careers were severed by the closure of the mine were traced and surveyed (survey completed 1,427 people (34%), survey impossible 879 people (21%), death confirmed 1,441 people (34%)). The career data of these people during employment at the mine and those after the closure of the mine were connected and a career data base for their entire lives was constructed.
The effects of involuntary interruption of careers, careers after disruption of employment, and their lives during retirement were analyzed using the above career data for the entire lives, and the results were published. A part of the large-scale micro-data base archive constructed by this study is open to the public on our website.

The aim of this project is 1)to do the second survey following the first survey of National Family Research of Japan in 1998 (NFRJ98) produced by Japan Society of Family Sociology, 2)to analyze the direction and trends of family changes by this data, and 3)to make and provide this data as a public use data for many researchers. In the year 2002 and 2003, we continued to have opportunities to discuss for both making questionnaires and planning sampling design, and we had finally completed the questionnaire on December 2003. With regard to sampling of the respondents, we reexamined sampling design and method of NFRJ98 and clarify the problem of them (these works were printed in Watanabe et.al.(Eds.), "Structure and change in contemporary Japanese families", University of Tokyo Press, 2004).After these works, we did sampling in October 2003 by stratified two-stage random sampling method for either man or woman who was born in between 1926 and 1965, and were living in Japan. We did self administered survey within duration from January 2004 to February 2004, and we got totally 5,054 samples as respondents. In the year 2004, we started with the cleaning work of the data sets delivered in August, and had completed these work in November. We shared this cleaned data mainly among co-researchers of this project, and published a primary working report in March 2005, which we did descriptive analysis. At the same time, we had continued the secondary cleaning work of the data, and we shared cleaned data among co-researchers. Although NFRJ03 data had tendency of lowering rate of the single household resident, results of the comparison with national statistics in Japan showed that NFRJ03 data was enough to good for the use as a public use data

Though family change in post-War Japanese society is taken for granted, we have few sociological discussion on the mechanism of change. We hope our research would be an asset for such discussion. The survey was planned to supplement National Family Research (NFRJ98) conducted by Japan Society for Family Sociology in 1998. Data from retrospective survey on family career and family event was analyzed through cohort comparison.1. Survey Design: Probabilistic samples were extracted from women born between 1920 and 1969 (aged from 32 to 81 as of January 2002). 2. Field Survey: Structured questionnaires were distributed by research assistants, left to be filled in by informants themselves and collected by research assistants. Effective sample of 3475 were collected.3. Data-base Comparison: After data cleaning, data-base was designed to be processed by SPSS. 4. Analysis and Findings: Findings from cohort comparison of family career, family event, occupational career, and care experience propose a hypothesis that family change in post-War Japanese society is not an unilinear process toward "modernization"/"westernization". Verification of the hypothesis and development of this research is the task left for us. 5. Report: Preliminary result with simple tabulation is prepared. Report of further analyses will be read at the annual meeting of Japan Society of Family Sociology in September 2003. 6. Disclosure of Data: Data-base is planned to be disclosed, finishing necessary data cleaning

In 1990, we chose a group of college students (1,570 persons) as research objects. At the period when they were still registered at a college, the first research was conducted. Since then, the time of twelve years has passed. In the meantime, the five times of research were carried out for them.
The last research was conducted in 2002. The objects are 519 persons who were the respondents of the fourth research in 1998. The respondents of the last research are 379 persons (73 percent of the objects). Refer to "Development Report" vol.13 (Advanced Research Center for Human Science, Waseda University, 2003) about their basic attributes and life-style.
In addition, we tried the life-story interview to 98 persons who are the respondents of the last research. Refer to "And They Became in the Middle Age of 30's." (Department of Sociology in Waseda University, 2004) about it.

　われわれは今回の研究女性を受ける以前より、首都圏の4年制私立大学を1991～93年に卒業した若者たちを対象にして、①4年在学中、②卒業直後の６月、③卒業翌年の６月という３時点の追跡調査を、さらに④1998年11月に「30代への移行調査（第１回）」を実施してきた。そして今回の助成を受けて、2002年11月に「30代への移行調査（第２回）」を実施することになった。（今回の助成は2002年３月までだが、引き続き科研費の助成を受けられることになったので、11月の実査に支障はない）。　この２年間はわれわれの長期にわたるパネル調査の最終回である「30代への移行調査（第2回）」の実施へ向けての準備作業を行なった。具体的には、第一に、①～③調査の縦断データセットの構築を行なった。この作業には膨大な時間を要したが、コードブックも完成し、パネル項目（反復質問項目）の個人水準での推移について単純集計結果を出した。このデータセットに④および⑤の調査データを連結すれば、大学卒業後約10年間にわたる成人前期のライフコースの展開過程を詳細に分析することが可能になる。　第二に、定期的な研究会をグループ内でもち、パネルデータを用いた縦断分析の方法論の検討を行ない、その成果を日本社会学会大会や、家計経済研究所主催のパネル調査カンファレンスで報告した。また、これまでの研究成果の一部をまとめて大久保孝治編著『変容する人生』（コロナ社）を刊行した。　第三に、⑤の調査の対象予定者に継続して調査への協力をお願いするべく（同時に住所データベースの管理のために）、ニューズレター『ディベロプメント』12号（2001年８月）と13号（2002年１月）を発行し、対象者に発送した。

　戦後の50年間に雑誌、新聞等に発表された夥しい数の「清水幾太郎論」を収集・分析して、論文「忘れられつつある思想家－清水幾太郎論の系譜」としてまとめた。論文の概要は以下の通り。①戦後の清水の再出発を精神的に後押ししたのは、大熊信行の評論「戦争体験としての国家」であった。清水が戦争と知識人の問題について書いた文章が大熊に評価されたことで、清水は「戦後」に足を踏み入れることができた。②1949年から1960年までの12年間は「清水幾太郎の時代」であった。この時期、清水は進歩的文化人の代表として平和運動に深くかかわった。週刊誌や月刊誌の匿名コラムや覆面座談会で「清水幾太郎」が論じられるようになっていく。大宅壮一は清水を「平和論の神さま」と揶揄し、以後、これが大衆ジャーナリズムにおける清水幾太郎の枕詞として定着した。③米軍基地反対運動の最中、福田恆存や三好十郎らは進歩的文化人の平和運動の党派性（左翼性）を執拗に問いただしたが、清水は沈黙を守った。しかし、やがて清水は内灘闘争や砂川闘争の経験から、平和運動の中心的な担い手であった左派社会党や共産党を批判し、全学連主流派の同伴知識人として安保闘争に突入していく。④安保闘争の末期、清水は共産党や岩波文化人グループと決定的に対立し、闘争敗北後は運動の一線から退き、マルクス主義的歴史観を批判する文章を発表する。清水の「転向」は竹山道雄や今日出海ら保守的文化人からも非難された。⑤1970年代半ば、清水は保守の論客として論壇にカンバックした。一年単位で見るならば、「清水幾太郎論」が一番多く書かれたのが1980年である。それは清水が「核の選択－日本よ国家たれ」を発表した年である。しかし、その翌年から「清水幾太郎論」は激減する。それは言論の世界で清水がアプリオリに負の記号のついた存在に転化したことを意味していた。

本研究の目的は、社会学者であり、戦後日本のオピニオンリーダーであった清水幾太郎の81年間のライフコースを綿密にたどりながら、明治・大正・昭和の日本社会の変動を、各時代の社会・経済・政治的状況を背景として、知識人と大衆の意識と行動の側面から分析することにある。研究は３年計画で、今年度はその最初の年にあたる。今年度の研究実績の中心は、人生の異なる時期に書かれた清水の３冊の自伝（『私の読書と人生』1949年、『私の心の遍歴』1956年、『わが人生の断片』1975年）の合成作業である。すなわち、３冊の自伝をテキストファイル化し、同じ項目（出来事、人物、団体、書物など）に関する記述をひとまとめにして、１冊の「合成自伝」を編集した。この過程で、自伝的事実をめぐるいくつかの興味深い異同が明らかになった。これは自伝（生活史）というデータの本質的特徴の１つである「状況規定性」、すなわち「現在」の状況によって語られる過去の物語の内容が変容することを実証的に示すものである。「合成自伝」の編集と同時進行的に自伝の索引作りを行なった。索引項目は社会的出来事（関東大震災や安保闘争）、個人的出来事（結婚や父親の死）、人物（大杉栄や三木清）、団体（昭和研究会や平和問題談話会）、書物（立川文庫や有本芳水詩集）など多岐にわたる。しかし、それらは決してバラバラにあるのではなく、「清水幾太郎」という個人を中心にして有機的に統合されているのである。自伝の分析とは、その統合のメカニズムを解明することにほかならない。現在、この課題に向けて、個々の索引項目について資料を収集中である。とくに、清水とかかわりのあった人物で、生存中の方々にはインタビュー調査を実施している。