Since the Cold War period, the America's transatlantic alliance and its alliance with Asia-Pacific countries have been emphasized on differences of history and structures and each alliance has been considered as discrete phenomenon. However, after the Cold War, restructuring of the alliance proceeded to aim for crisis management and emergency response on a common global basis, and it became difficult to discuss the matter without each alliance. Regarding the picture of overall America's global alliance, this research was intended to verify the reality of American-European security relations and provide new comparative viewpoint to current alliance study in Japan that leans toward only Japan-U.S. relations. Furthermore, it was our attempt to bring the view of analyzing the naissance and development process of making alliance to "Security Community" by paying attention to value standard and interest that have to be shared in order for the American-European alliance to function effectively. Concerning the security community's common idea, we have made it clear that following factor will affect future transatlantic alliance : 1)with conflict of two universalism (unilateralism and multilateralism) that concern world view of 21st century 2)opposing views on under which circumstances the usage of armed forces is justified and how democracy can be spread all over the world. This research, focused on American-European alliance, gave suggestions to our country's policy. In other words, it is confirmed that understanding the high-level diplomatic view is inevitable for our country to develop independently alliance diplomatic relationship

Since the Cold War period, the America's transatlantic alliance and its alliance with Asia-Pacific countries have been emphasized on differences of history and structures and each alliance has been considered as discrete phenomenon. However, after the Cold War, restructuring of the alliance proceeded to aim for crisis management and emergency response on a common global basis, and it became difficult to discuss the matter without each alliance. Regarding the picture of overall America's global alliance, this research was intended to verify the reality of American-European security relations and provide new comparative viewpoint to current alliance study in Japan that leans toward only Japan-U.S. relations. Furthermore, it was our attempt to bring the view of analyzing the naissance and development process of making alliance to "Security Community" by paying attention to value standard and interest that have to be shared in order for the American-European alliance to function effectively. Concerning the security community's common idea, we have made it clear that following factor will affect future transatlantic alliance : 1)with conflict of two universalism (unilateralism and multilateralism) that concern world view of 21st century 2)opposing views on under which circumstances the usage of armed forces is justified and how democracy can be spread all over the world. This research, focused on American-European alliance, gave suggestions to our country's policy. In other words, it is confirmed that understanding the high-level diplomatic view is inevitable for our country to develop independently alliance diplomatic relationship.

Research meetings have been held every month since April 2002. Themes of guest speakers in those meetings are as followed : "On Research regarding War Memory" by Akira Iryie (Harvard University) ; "Memories on Atomic Bombs" by Kazumi Mizumoto (Hiroshima City University) ; "Memory of the Civil War and Realignment of American Society" by Yoshiyuki Takado (Hitotsubashi University) ; "Trauma and Testimony : Geopolitics of Symbol" by Naoko Miyaji (Hitotsubashi University) ; "A Piece of Examination of Justice in Regime Transition : A View Point of Memory/Oblivion and Forgiveness/Revenge" by Hiroyuki Tosa (Kobe University) ; and "De-politicization of Memory of the Vietnam War" by Marc Gallicchus (Vill.anova University).
Osamu Ishii, Kenji Takita and Ryo Oshiba made a short research travel to the United States, China, and South Korea respectively during the three-year grant period. Ishii conducted research on war memories of Japanese-Americans and Chinese-Americans. Takita delivered a paper presentation under the title of "Memory of the Vietnam War and US diplomacy in Asia." Oshiba conducted research on the comparison between Japan and Korea regarding history textbooks. Professor Wookhee Shin (Seoul National University) and Professor Yoon Young O. (People's University of Korea). were invited to our research meeting and delivered papers on research in South Korea regarding history.
We are preparing for publishing a book which reflects achievements of this research project. We witnessed, after the end of this research project, that Japan, China and South Korea has experienced a severe tension caused by the gap of history perceptions between people in the three countries, ranging from decision-making practitioners to grass-root citizens, therefore we particularly try to shed light on the current situation in the book. Additionally, Oshiba, Xiahua Ma and Wookhee Shin (Seoul National University) will organize a panel on "Sharing Historical Memory in Asia" and are planning to deliver paper presentations in the World International Studies Conference at Istanbul (August 24-27,2005).

Research meetings have been held every month since April 2002. Themes of guest speakers in those meetings are as followed : "On Research regarding War Memory" by Akira Iryie (Harvard University) ; "Memories on Atomic Bombs" by Kazumi Mizumoto (Hiroshima City University) ; "Memory of the Civil War and Realignment of American Society" by Yoshiyuki Takado (Hitotsubashi University) ; "Trauma and Testimony : Geopolitics of Symbol" by Naoko Miyaji (Hitotsubashi University) ; "A Piece of Examination of Justice in Regime Transition : A View Point of Memory/Oblivion and Forgiveness/Revenge" by Hiroyuki Tosa (Kobe University) ; and "De-politicization of Memory of the Vietnam War" by Marc Gallicchus (Vill.anova University).
Osamu Ishii, Kenji Takita and Ryo Oshiba made a short research travel to the United States, China, and South Korea respectively during the three-year grant period. Ishii conducted research on war memories of Japanese-Americans and Chinese-Americans. Takita delivered a paper presentation under the title of "Memory of the Vietnam War and US diplomacy in Asia." Oshiba conducted research on the comparison between Japan and Korea regarding history textbooks. Professor Wookhee Shin (Seoul National University) and Professor Yoon Young O. (People's University of Korea). were invited to our research meeting and delivered papers on research in South Korea regarding history.
We are preparing for publishing a book which reflects achievements of this research project. We witnessed, after the end of this research project, that Japan, China and South Korea has experienced a severe tension caused by the gap of history perceptions between people in the three countries, ranging from decision-making practitioners to grass-root citizens, therefore we particularly try to shed light on the current situation in the book. Additionally, Oshiba, Xiahua Ma and Wookhee Shin (Seoul National University) will organize a panel on "Sharing Historical Memory in Asia" and are planning to deliver paper presentations in the World International Studies Conference at Istanbul (August 24-27,2005).

The purpose of this project is as follows. The first is to share information among our project members about the trend of the cold war historical studies in the US, Europe and China, prospering after the collapse of Soviet Union and the end of cold war. Second, we try to collect the newly available archives in the former Soviet Union, China, the U.S., Britain, etc., and to explore new historical facts and viewpoints based on them. Third, we strive to construct theoretical models on the structural changes of the origin, development, maturity, and end of the cold war. We have studied these subjects over the last three years.Each year the project held the entire meetings 5 or 6 times and a research training camp, and occasionally invited non-member specialists. We also added research collaborators from the doctoral course of Waseda University and other volunteers. The themes of these meetings and researches include : 1) the origin of cold war ; 2)the cold war and the international system ; 3)American hegemony and the cold war order ; 4)the cold war in economy and alliance politics, and the development of the economic war against China and the alliance politics ; 5)Korean War and the intervention of the Soviet Union ; 6)Russia and North Korea ; 7)the dynamism of the diplomacy of South Korean ; 8) China, the Sino-Soviet Alliance and the Korean War, and Vietnam War ; 9)the Japanese diplomacy, and the United States and China after World War II ; 10)the characteristics of the diplomacy and the relations between the internal affairs and diplomacy of China during the cold war ; 11)the U.S.-China reconciliation and Japan ; 12)China s policy toward Japan ; 13)the Great Britain and the cold war ; 14)the structural changes of the cold war and the comparisons of regional differences ; 15)the end of the cold war and the US strategies toward the end of the cold war ; 16)the cold war in the context of international relations.Each year our researchers and collaborators conducted researches and data collection overseas. The project also invited foreign scholars in the field for the purpose of international research exchanges.Each year our researchers and collaborators conducted researches and data collection overseas. The project also invited foreign scholars in the field for the purpose of international research exchanges.As the conclusion of the research over the last three years, each member submitted a research report from the viewpoint of the "reexamination of cold war history," viewed variously from each research perspectives. We also compiled a report, the "reexamination of cold war history," as a collection of all the reports in the end of March

The purpose of this project is as follows. The first is to share information among our project members about the trend of the cold war historical studies in the US, Europe and China, prospering after the collapse of Soviet Union and the end of cold war. Second, we try to collect the newly available archives in the former Soviet Union, China, the U.S., Britain, etc., and to explore new historical facts and viewpoints based on them. Third, we strive to construct theoretical models on the structural changes of the origin, development, maturity, and end of the cold war. We have studied these subjects over the last three years.Each year the project held the entire meetings 5 or 6 times and a research training camp, and occasionally invited non-member specialists. We also added research collaborators from the doctoral course of Waseda University and other volunteers. The themes of these meetings and researches include : 1) the origin of cold war ; 2)the cold war and the international system ; 3)American hegemony and the cold war order ; 4)the cold war in economy and alliance politics, and the development of the economic war against China and the alliance politics ; 5)Korean War and the intervention of the Soviet Union ; 6)Russia and North Korea ; 7)the dynamism of the diplomacy of South Korean ; 8) China, the Sino-Soviet Alliance and the Korean War, and Vietnam War ; 9)the Japanese diplomacy, and the United States and China after World War II ; 10)the characteristics of the diplomacy and the relations between the internal affairs and diplomacy of China during the cold war ; 11)the U.S.-China reconciliation and Japan ; 12)China s policy toward Japan ; 13)the Great Britain and the cold war ; 14)the structural changes of the cold war and the comparisons of regional differences ; 15)the end of the cold war and the US strategies toward the end of the cold war ; 16)the cold war in the context of international relations.Each year our researchers and collaborators conducted researches and data collection overseas. The project also invited foreign scholars in the field for the purpose of international research exchanges.Each year our researchers and collaborators conducted researches and data collection overseas. The project also invited foreign scholars in the field for the purpose of international research exchanges.As the conclusion of the research over the last three years, each member submitted a research report from the viewpoint of the "reexamination of cold war history," viewed variously from each research perspectives. We also compiled a report, the "reexamination of cold war history," as a collection of all the reports in the end of March

This project deals with the role of nuclear weapons in Japan's post war foreign relations and domestic politics during the period of the Kishi administration from 1957 to 1960. Careful empirical and historical investigations based upon close examinations of the diplomatic documents declassified in Britain and the United States suggest that the Kishi administration adopted complicated policies of ambivalent nature. Prime Minister Kishi Nobusuke supported openly the movements in Japan against nuclear tests conducted by the US, Britain and the Soviet Union., but at the same time, he clearly advocated Japan's future possession of nuclear weapons within the framework of the peaceful constitution. While he seemed aware that it would be impossible for her to produce or possess strategic nuclear forces, it was clear that Kishi paid much attention to small size tactical nuclear weapons, which he sometimes called 'clean nuclear weapons'. This ambivalence was kept coherent within his policy formula, because his most significant political aim was to complete Japan's independence. For the purpose, it was essential to mobilize some nationalist sentiments in Japanese anti-nuclear public opinion. But at the same time, possessing tactical nuclear weapons must have been supposed to reduce Japan's military dependence upon the United States. Another finding was that the Japanese government was not at all sincere or genuine in protesting against the nuclear tests conducted by the US and Britain. During the Kishi period, the government conveyed several times the resolutions passed in the diet which requested the Americans and the British to atop the tests in 1957. But even Kishi himself stated just before a British nuclear test in the Christmas islands that Japan could possess nuclear weapons without violating Article 9 of the constitution. Moreover the Japanese diplomats who actually handed the protests to the opposite numbers in Washington or London, usually saying that they should not take those protests seriously. It was natural that the US and British officials did not paid much attention to the Japanese protests movements which they did not regard genuine or sincere. Finally, the Anglo-Japanese negotiations for atomic energy cooperation during the late 1950s seem to have taken a very significant role in the policy conception held by the Japanese pro-nuclear leaders. Though the Americans could prevent the Japanese from even trying to produce their own nuclear weapons by controlling the amount of enriched uranium to supply the Japanese, they could expect to have certain amount of plutonium from the British Calder Hall type reactor. As the result of the Anglo-Japanese negotiations, the Japanese finally purchased the Calder Hall reactor from Britain knowing that the reactor was for civilian and military purposes. It is rather natural to assume that the Japanese leaders could search a way to make their country nuclearized in military terms

This project deals with the role of nuclear weapons in Japan's post war foreign relations and domestic politics during the period of the Kishi administration from 1957 to 1960. Careful empirical and historical investigations based upon close examinations of the diplomatic documents declassified in Britain and the United States suggest that the Kishi administration adopted complicated policies of ambivalent nature. Prime Minister Kishi Nobusuke supported openly the movements in Japan against nuclear tests conducted by the US, Britain and the Soviet Union., but at the same time, he clearly advocated Japan's future possession of nuclear weapons within the framework of the peaceful constitution. While he seemed aware that it would be impossible for her to produce or possess strategic nuclear forces, it was clear that Kishi paid much attention to small size tactical nuclear weapons, which he sometimes called 'clean nuclear weapons'. This ambivalence was kept coherent within his policy formula, because his most significant political aim was to complete Japan's independence. For the purpose, it was essential to mobilize some nationalist sentiments in Japanese anti-nuclear public opinion. But at the same time, possessing tactical nuclear weapons must have been supposed to reduce Japan's military dependence upon the United States. Another finding was that the Japanese government was not at all sincere or genuine in protesting against the nuclear tests conducted by the US and Britain. During the Kishi period, the government conveyed several times the resolutions passed in the diet which requested the Americans and the British to atop the tests in 1957. But even Kishi himself stated just before a British nuclear test in the Christmas islands that Japan could possess nuclear weapons without violating Article 9 of the constitution. Moreover the Japanese diplomats who actually handed the protests to the opposite numbers in Washington or London, usually saying that they should not take those protests seriously. It was natural that the US and British officials did not paid much attention to the Japanese protests movements which they did not regard genuine or sincere. Finally, the Anglo-Japanese negotiations for atomic energy cooperation during the late 1950s seem to have taken a very significant role in the policy conception held by the Japanese pro-nuclear leaders. Though the Americans could prevent the Japanese from even trying to produce their own nuclear weapons by controlling the amount of enriched uranium to supply the Japanese, they could expect to have certain amount of plutonium from the British Calder Hall type reactor. As the result of the Anglo-Japanese negotiations, the Japanese finally purchased the Calder Hall reactor from Britain knowing that the reactor was for civilian and military purposes. It is rather natural to assume that the Japanese leaders could search a way to make their country nuclearized in military terms

In search of a new international order after the Cold War, American foreign policy emphasizes democracy as one of its major factors. The pursuit of national interest in the name of democracy, however, gives an impression that the United States is not just pursuing its own interest, but the universal interest for the rest of the world. The United States poses itself as a democratic nation, and the rest of the world also regards it as such, and received the influence of American democracy. This field research project aims to c1arify what role democracy plays in American foreign policy. Each member conducted his/her own archival research or interviews, and based on the individual results, the whole members participated in the discussion.Democracy is a fundamental principle of the United States since its foundation, and deeply connected with the Christian value. But the meaning of democracy is not static, which causes different conducts which are respectively based on democracy in the state-individual relations or in the society-individual relations. At the governmental level, democratic principle has not always been implemented nor put priority on, which is reconfirmed by the Cold-War archival research. In many ways, today's emphasis on democracy shares common aspect with Cold-War mentality. It is not a correct description, though, to regard the societies, faced with the United States, have been just passively forced upon American version of democracy. The ambiguous nature of democracy, in turn, offers opportunities as well. And peculiar nature of American democracy changes itself in its encounter with other societies, just as it changes the local society. It is true that democracy contains certain universal value, which is the key in intenational institutions' policies for democratization. However, as long as democracy is related with the core of the nation's politics, neutral assistance for democratization is logically impossible.It is, thus, important that the United States should pay attention both to the positive impact of democracy on other societies, and the potential danger of using democracy, as it works toward the new international order

In search of a new international order after the Cold War, American foreign policy emphasizes democracy as one of its major factors. The pursuit of national interest in the name of democracy, however, gives an impression that the United States is not just pursuing its own interest, but the universal interest for the rest of the world. The United States poses itself as a democratic nation, and the rest of the world also regards it as such, and received the influence of American democracy. This field research project aims to c1arify what role democracy plays in American foreign policy. Each member conducted his/her own archival research or interviews, and based on the individual results, the whole members participated in the discussion.
Democracy is a fundamental principle of the United States since its foundation, and deeply connected with the Christian value. But the meaning of democracy is not static, which causes different conducts which are respectively based on democracy in the state-individual relations or in the society-individual relations. At the governmental level, democratic principle has not always been implemented nor put priority on, which is reconfirmed by the Cold-Wa

This research project is aimed to clarify inter-relations between US-Japanese relations and the United Nations during the cold war era and after its end. The basic questions that it has attempted to answer were as follows :
(1)How are the transformation of activities and institutions of the United Nations and the transformation of the cold war structure inter-related?
(2)How did the Japanese foreign policy respond the transformation of the United Nations?
(3) What kinds of opportunities were offered to and what kind of restraints were imposed on the Japanese foreign policy by the US-Japanese relations during the cold war and the transitional period of the termination of the cold war?
For the purpose, the participating researchers were divided into two groups : theoretical and historical ones. The former was composed of Nobayashi and Oshiba. Nobayashi investigated how the post cold war transformation of United Nations' activities and institutions influenced international economic regimes. Oshiba analyzed changes in UN activities and institutions generated by the end of the cold war. The historical group was composed of Inoue and Tanaka. Inoue surveyed Japan's UN diplomacy during the first half of the cold war era. Tanaka attempted the transformation of Japan's UN diplomacy during the transitional period of the cold war, namely, from the 1970s to the 1990s. As the head investigator, Ishii coordinated both groups and drew an integrated picture of the research.
It is still early to say that the research conducted a thorough and deep investigation on each topic. But it was made clear that the transformation of US-Japan relations affected to a great extent Japan's attitude towards the United Nations.

This research project is aimed to clarify inter-relations between US-Japanese relations and the United Nations during the cold war era and after its end. The basic questions that it has attempted to answer were as follows :(1)How are the transformation of activities and institutions of the United Nations and the transformation of the cold war structure inter-related?(2)How did the Japanese foreign policy respond the transformation of the United Nations?(3) What kinds of opportunities were offered to and what kind of restraints were imposed on the Japanese foreign policy by the US-Japanese relations during the cold war and the transitional period of the termination of the cold war?For the purpose, the participating researchers were divided into two groups : theoretical and historical ones. The former was composed of Nobayashi and Oshiba. Nobayashi investigated how the post cold war transformation of United Nations' activities and institutions influenced international economic regimes. Oshiba analyzed changes in UN activities and institutions generated by the end of the cold war. The historical group was composed of Inoue and Tanaka. Inoue surveyed Japan's UN diplomacy during the first half of the cold war era. Tanaka attempted the transformation of Japan's UN diplomacy during the transitional period of the cold war, namely, from the 1970s to the 1990s. As the head investigator, Ishii coordinated both groups and drew an integrated picture of the research.It is still early to say that the research conducted a thorough and deep investigation on each topic. But it was made clear that the transformation of US-Japan relations affected to a great extent Japan's attitude towards the United Nations

This project aimed mainly to prepare for designing the conference agenda of joint-conference in September 1996 in Makuhari held by International Studies Association in USA and Japanese Association of International Relations. The main outcomes of this project will be introduced by each investigator in the form of presentation in session or short introduction of conveners during this conference.Other outcomes of this projects are as follows : (1) the project A (theoretical research) has been engaged in revising key concepts of international politics and moreover developed new approach to a "Sinnwelt" of international politics ; (2) Because main topic of the project B (international politics in post-Cold War Europe) is the nature of post-Cold War, researchers of this group has tried to highlight both integration and disintegration aspect of international politics ; the project C (new developments in Asia-Pacific) has focused on analyzing main factors which has brought about regionalism in this area and considered the role of Japan in this region ; the project D (security and disarmament) has reconsidered the deterrence theory in post-Cold War period and has tried to draw a sketch of future of nuclear weapons. Although these are main outcomes of this project, some researchers are now analyzing new phenomenon of globalization as well as regionalism from comparative perspective

本年度は、冷戦初期から1950年代中葉までの冷戦の展開過程および米英日の対応に関する文献を渉猟し、その批判的検討を試みた。米国の冷戦認識についての分析は、既に様々な研究が存在するが、英国の冷戦認識については、我が国において特に先行業績が希薄な為、公刊された第二次世界大戦後の英国政府の外交文書集を、補助金によって購入し、現在読み進めている。また、研究対象となる時期において、英国の冷戦認識と米国の冷戦認識との差異を最も顕著に示した事例は、インドシナ戦争の終結過程などのアジア冷戦に対する両国の対応に見出せることから、この問題についての関連図書を購入し分析を加えている。日本の冷戦認識については、1950年代初頭に焦点をあわせて研究を試みている。その結果、未だ分析は、終了していないが、占領期を終えた日本の外交形成において、極めて重要な影響を及ぼした要因として、ナショナリズムが存在していること、このナショナリズムは、政府等によって唱導された「公定ナショナリズム」としての側面を持ち、また米国の対共産主義国戦略の影響下において、米国からの圧力と日本の公定ナショナリズムとが、相互に連動しながら展開したこと、戦前期とは、異なり、大衆レベルでは、一国主義的なナショナリズムではなく、むしろナショナリズムにたいする疑念と日本の防衛というリアルな必要性との葛藤の中で、極めて不定形なナショナリズムが形成されたことについて、仮説を導出した。もとより、本研究は、単年度ではその初歩的な仮説形成にて満足しなければならないが、今後、本年度の研究実績とその過程で蓄積したデータベースを基礎に、さらに分析を進める予定である