Firstly, we analize the general theory of consensus formation process. A consensus is not a decision-making itself, but is a situation without expressions of non-consent. An expression of non-consent against the existing consensus makes a consensus formation process start. Through the process, a new consensus will emerge, or a decision will be made without any new consensus. In the process, not only motivations by interst coordination or power politics, but also reasons in communication are important.Secondly, we research consensus formation of spatial control policy in the shrinking society. We approach from both leagal aspect and policy side. In the shrinking society, people tend to become in a negative consensus, in which nobody would take positive actions. Therefore, there are a lot of practices for stakeholders to start consensus formation process. The process aims at a positive decision making based on a new consensus

１．国際シンポジウムを4回開催。①6月「移行期正義と和解-『<帝国>の慰安婦』をめぐる事態を考える」提題者浅野豊美、朴裕河（世宗大学）、②7月「東アジアの選挙と民主主義」報告者：張智程（京都大学法学研究科・助教）ベ・ヨンミ（立命館大学コリアセンター・研究員）元山仁士郎（国際基督教大学）上地聡子（早稲田大学）司会：野口真弘、アン・ドヒョン（東京大学）、③ 7月「文化と記憶」William Marotti(UCLA)“Dramatic Politics and Political Space: Shinjuku 1968”Christopher Nelson (University of North Carolina) "Iphigenia in the China Sea: The Politics of Memory in Postwar Japan" ④2017年2月、「光州事件と移行期正義」鄭文永(Jeong Moon-young)（5.18紀念財団研究所 研究員）Social Origins of the May Ceremony: between ritual and rebellion、平井新（早稲田大学）移行期正義概念の再検討、コメンテーター：呉豪人（輔仁大学）。２．定例研究会を2回開催。各研究者ならびに班ごとの研究の進捗状況と研究計画について報告と議論を行ったのち、以下の主題について報告と議論を行った。①6月、田嶋美登里（早稲田大学）「西アフリカ、ベニン共和国における「和解発展プロジェクト」をめぐって」、②2017年1月、土佐弘之（神戸大学）「闘技的デモクラシーとしての移行期正義：集合的記憶の脱／再領域化のアイデンティティ・ポリティクスとの関連」。３．研究成果の一部をワセダアジアレビューを通じて公表。４.国際共同研究の進展（マックス・プランク研究所、UCLA）１.国際シンポジウムを当初の予定以上に開催することができ、国際共同研究が順調に進展した。その際、アジアの研究者との研究交流、アメリカ、ヨーロッパの研究者との研究交流が順調に進展し、グローバルな和解研究のハブとなる準備と環境が整ってきたことが最大の成果である。２.定例研究会を通じ、とりわけ、新しくアフリカにおける移行期正義の問題と、移行期正義と国際関係論の理論的な関係についての研究が進展した。その際、田嶋美登里や平井新など若手の研究者が、中心的な役割を果たし、研究をリードした。３．小林聡明による韓国、アメリカにおける史料調査で大きな進展があった。梅森直之によるUCLAの研究者との共同研究に大きな進展があった。最上敏樹によるマックス・プランク研究所ならびにパリ政治学院における共同研究に大きな進展があった。これらの活動により、それぞれの地域の学術機関との共同研究を相互に連携させて進める環境が整い、国際共同研究の幅と密度が高まった。４.『ワセダアジアレビュー』19号において、特集「選挙とレファレンダム」を企画、東アジアの選挙に関して行ったシンポジウム、調査の結果を公表した。また、シンポジウムの開催にあたっては、基本的に公開の原則で実施し、研究成果を広く社会的に還元することに努めた。１．最終年度の成果報告に向けた研究体制を強化する。とりわけ移行期正義論文データベースに関しては、今年度中の仮公開をめざす。２．定例研究会を開催し、個人と班ごとの研究成果報告に向けた準備を進める。３．これまでの国際シンポジウム等で作り上げた国際共同研究のネットワークを、最終年度の研究成果報告のなかにどのように生かしていくかを検討し、その具体的準備を進める。４．東アジアにおける歴史和解のための具体的な提言の最終版の作成に先立ち、そのパイロット版を準備する

We empirically compared Computer-Assisted Self-administered Interview (CASI) based on deliberation within himself/herself with Mini-Publics (MP) based on deliberation with other people, CASI is preferable because it guarantees representativeness of sample better and costs less. However, this research project also found that deliberation within himself/herself was not as effective as deliberation with other people in some aspects of attitudes. For example, when a respondent wrongly believed incorrect information to be true, only deliberation with other people can correct his/her wrong concept. Therefore, we now know that each of CASI and MP has its own merit, and it would be premature to conclude that one method is better than the other.

The project examined various social problems related to the concept of “dignity” as well as scientific and academic discussions concerned with these issues. It was conducted by a research group consisting of members in Japan and abroad through the organization of several international workshops and continuous scholarly exchange with outside researchers, from Europe and North America in particular. The project has shown that it is the bio-centric framing of the “dignity” concept which demands further elaboration and will constitute a major focus of future reflections. Apart from individually published research papers and articles, the findings of this project have been published in the No. 1114 issue of Shiso; (Iwanami 2017), the edited volume Songen gainen no dainamizumu (in Japanese; “Dynamisms of the Dignity Concept”) (Hosei University Press 2017), and volumes 4~7 (2014~2017) of “German Applied Ethics Yearbook”; contributions in English, German, and Japanese)

Political studies have focused on the decision-makings in national units. Antonomous political decisions were believed to be possible within national bounderies. However, in the course of the globalization, the mobilization of goods , money, and persons is so high, and environmental risks in the world are so high that the field of national democratic politics is now restricted.Not only the militay security, but also the social security have been pursued in national boundaries. The security in general was basically realized by nation-states, and supported by national democracy. This situation is now changing because of the globalization

デモクラシーにおいては、制度構築および政策形成には、政治システムの構成員である市民のニーズを反映させる事が必須である。しかし、漠然と市民のニーズを世論調査で聞いただけでは、意味ある形で市民のニーズを反映する制度や政策を作ることはできない。そのためには、政治経済学の理論と実証に基づいた条件の下で、市民のニーズを測定する必要がある。だが、市民のニーズを測定するための従来型の世論調査では、答えている市民がどの程度その問題を熟慮してから答えているのかが判明しないことが多い。そこで、本件研究は市民が熟慮した後に世論調査を行い、市民のニーズを探り出すCASI世論調査を用いた新たな「市民の熟慮反映型CASI世論調査」を提案し、そこで掬い上げた市民のニーズを制度構築および政策形成に実際に反映させるメカニズムをすることを目的とする。その目的で、本研究では本年度は熟慮を促すCASI調査の設計と準備を開始しようとしていた。しかし、その準備が本格的に始まる前に、本研究の研究代表者(田中愛治)が申請していた科学研究費補助金・基盤（S）「市民のニーズを反映する制度構築と政策形成の政治経済学」が採択されたという通知があったために、本研究は平成25年5月30日をもって閉じることとなった。ただし、本研究の採択の内定があってから5月30日までに、若干ながらCASI調査の設計の準備をするために、大学院生を研究補助として使って、下調べのために近年の選挙時の世論調査データの確認作業を行っていた。その下調べの作業は始まったばかりで、終了することとなった。とはいえ、この大学院生に依頼した作業の成果は、新に採択された基盤（Ｓ）の研究「市民のニーズを反映する制度構築と政策形成の政治経済学」においても十分に活用できるものであるので、この研究補助者への謝金は無駄にはなっていない。25年度が最終年度であるため、記入しない。25年度が最終年度であるため、記入しない

This joint research project titled “Politics of Exclusion and Inclusion- Crossing, Identity, and Hope" aims to examine the political dynamics of "exclusion and inclusion" territorially, functionally and primordially provided by the state, law, politics, religion, race, and social class contending over the plurality of nationality citizenship, community, intimate sphere, and gender. It also pursues the possibility of "politics of Hope" nurtured by the solidarity and tolerance bared not on Mammon but on the 'humanity".This year (2007), each investigator applying himself or herself to the study of "politics of exclusion and inclusion" aimed at completing a research paper based on his or her reports presented during last year (2006). Our final fruit was published as The Annuals of Japanese Political Science Association 2007-II: Politics of Exclusion and Inclusion by Bokutakusha in December, 2007. Into this book each investigator has put his or her strong hope for developing political science over “Hope" to be opened up for the future

Firstly, we confirmed our society cannot avoid the issue of ‘distributive justice', and therefore, we need ‘philosophy of welfare' or ‘theory of happiness' on expected human life that former social scientific research on the matter has neglected. We also realized that this kind of research should be an interdisciplinary with economics, ethics, philosophy and etc.Secondly, our investigation leads us to the fact that we inevitably face with utilitarianism, when we characterize modern society as a commercial society or an economic society, because we need to presuppose the ‘natural desire' and the ‘basic need' of economic agents that compose society. This is because our research has rather focuses on Bentham.Thirdly, we have continuously promoted globalization of research and sending academic messages from Japan. In fact, we opened four times of international seminars out of ten seminars by inviting a dozen of foreign scholars from Britain, United States, Canada, France, Italy, and Korea. This seems rare in the field of humanities and social sciences. We will continue to do this kind of activities for stimulating dispatching Japanese origin research accomplishment.Lastly, it is realized that we have to investigate the following two significant agenda that our research has not treated enough. They are (a)the evaluation of current orthodox economic theory on distributive justice, (b)some actual proposals of proper distributive policy that would realize ‘justice'. In addition, we should have given opportunities to young scholars for presenting their research results

In this research, we have tried to compare the contemporary civil society theories with the civil society arguments just after the WWII. We have come to a conclusion that those two trends actually have many things in common. First, both of the theories focus on the deconstruction of totalitarian/authoritarian regime and democratization. In that context, they have heavily depended on the concept of civil society. Second, Hegelian-Marxist tradition can be found in both of the theoretical trends. Particularly before and during the WWII, Adam Smith studies, which actually was a disguised successor of the tradition, prepared for the post-war prevalence of the civil society arguments. Third, there is a conspicuous similarity between civil society arguments in the 1960's and those in these years.In addition to the comparison, we have studied on various theories concerning "new social movements", which obviously have many things with civil society theories. As a result, we have recognized that the relationships of the concept of civil society with those concepts like politics of difference, deliberative democracy, radical democracy, equality, public sphere, intimate sphere, public/private dichotomy, dualism of conception of international/external politics, and global civil society are essentially important in order to promote the study of civil society theories. In terms of that kind of analysis, we believe that we can learn about the limit of the concept of civil society on the one hand, and can also develop some of the possibility of the concept on the other hand.We have also noticed that empirical analysis using the concept of civil society should be combined with a highly theoretical approach. The concept of social capital can be one of the intermediary concepts of the two approaches.We have already published some of the results in the shape of academic papers. We would also like to publish some in English, in cooperation with members of ECPR(European Consortium for Political Research)

We have published the results of our research project in The Annuals of The Japanese Political Science, Association vol. 2001, to which most of our research group members have contributed. Here is the outline of theses contributions.First of all, O. Kawasaki examines the relevance of the "three democracies" model from the viewpoint of political theory. Then, as to the "core" countries of Western Europe, firstly, K. Ono retraces the histrical evolution of the German three main parties, that were nothing but the origins of the "three democracies" model. On the contrary, France is seen as an exception to the "three democracies" model in Western Europe. Y. Nakayama tries to explain how this exception has been born. Secondly, the futures of the "three democracies" model are explored. S. Murakami examines the Italian case of Christian democratic collapse, and T. Miyamoto presents and scrutinizes the "workfare" model, supposed to replace the traditional social-democratic model and to reactivate it. J. Saito criticizes in his turn what is called the "Third Way". Thirdly, K. Endo develops a theoritical reflection on the European polity that is emerging to unravel the European nation states, cradles of the "three democracies" model.Lastly, the party systems of non-european countries are examined to testify the relevance of the "three democracies" model from comparative viewpoints. M. Sengoku argues that the Polish party system in still unbalanced because of the instability of Christian democratic parties, and K. Ohgushi follows the rise and fall of Latin-american parties that seem correspond to the European "three democracies" model. K. Nakakita has already published a series of articles on the Japanese Liberal Democratic Party(JIMINTOH) in the 1950s as an example of non-european Liberal democratic parties. The general conclusions that Y. Baba, director of our research, draws from these contributions, is still in preparation, but their resume" is presented as an preface to our Annuals

The theme central to these 2 years of research has been the effort to establish how Arendt, who fought in the age of hitherto unprecedented wars and revolutions known as the 20th century, viewed the prospective 21^<st> century. In the present day, with the influence of Arendt's thought reaching into many different areas, it has become possible to pursue this theme from the multiplicity of stances represented by the various researchers involvedIn the first year, in order to renew the mutual understanding between those involved in the research program, we reinterpreted Arendt's thought from the point of view of feminism based on the theme "Identity, Difference, Politics". As part of this we invited Lisa Disth, one of the leading feminists from Minnesota University in America, to be our guest speaker at symposiums and seminars held in Tokyo (Keio University) and Kyoto (Ritsumeikan University). In the second year, we proceeded to build on the achievements of the first year and, with the translation of Arendt's works in each country in Asia and the appearance of new young researchers on the scene, we were able to broaden our vision, inviting more guest speakers from abroad and holding symposiums and seminars in Kyoto (Ritsumeikan University) and Okinawa (University of the Ryukyus)First of all, in the symposium titled' Politicizing Arendt's Political Thought : How did we read Arendt in fhe 90' s' held in Kyoto, we received reports from You-Kyung Suh of Kyung Hee University, Korea, Jiang Yi-huah from Taiwan National University, Wolfgang Heuer of the Free Berlin University and Kodama Shigeo. Two days later, we reconvened at University of the Ryukyus to hold a symposium entitled "Hannah Arendt and the Drvlded World " (or " The World of Fragmentation and Arendt") with a report from Naminira Tsuneo of University of the Ryukyus, Shimabukuro Jun as giuest speaker, and Masuda Kazuo. Chiba Shin and Shimizu Kiyoko giving a joint repor

Our research subject is the competitive advantage of Japanese industry.We selected electronics industry as a main target for examining this subject. Reasons are as follows ; This industry displayed strong competitiveness until the former half of 1980's. However many data are showing that the international competitiveness has decreased during 1990's.On the other side, North American electronics industry dramatically recovered its competitiveness from the latter half of 1980's. It created and promoted so-called the day of Modularity and horizontal division of work among electronics firms. This means that specific module-components and parts are competitively developed and manufactured by each firms, if the explicit and comprehensive design rule is created and observed.As a result, product innovation by each was accelerated. Its typical product is MPU of Intel.Moreover, so-called EMS(Electronics Manufacturing system) have realized mass production and cost reduction by subcontracting the manufacturing function of many electronics firms.In Korea, heavy investments have been achieved strategically and rapid progress of technology are realized by Zaibatsu firms. And in Taiwan, flexible integration between product design house and so-called foundry firms have showed its unique competitiveness.Japanese big electronics manufacturer had a tendency to neglect the competitive strength in American, Korean and Taiwanese electronics industry during 1980's. They focused their strategic target on other Japanese competitor's behavior. And they inclined to build nearly same business model of the full line of product and vertically integrated structure. This is inconsistent with the direction of modularity. And it was difficult to decide priority investment to the strategic field.Moreover, most of them have a tendency to lack effective communication and coordination between multiple functions such as product development, design, manufacturing and marketing.In the international perspectives, Japanese headquarters are inclined to transfer parent's established strengths to the oversea's subsidiaries straightly and build the mini・structure.Therefore they are insensitive to the strategically meaningfull message from the oversea's subsidiaries.The above mentioned problems in Japanese electronics industry are nearly same in Japanese manufacturing industries as a whole nowadays.Finally we are trying to find the directions to overcome such difficulties

This project started as one of the five related projects in conjunction with the international collaboration between Japanese Political Association (JPSA) and European Consortium for Political Research (ECPR). Six of us representing JPSA political theory section have participated in this common project for the past three years. During the term of this grant, we organized, and participated in, numerous international seminars and symposiums in such places as Sanjerberg in Denmark, Stockholm in Sweden, and Kyoto and Tokyo. We could well trace various developments of civil society arguments in Euorpe, in North America, and in Japan.One important finding is that due to the diverse or ambiguous sense of the term civil society we have many divergent civil society arguments in the world today. Secondly, however, civil society is siginificant as the site of global citizens' democratic cooperation and participation in our age of globalization. Thirdly, civil society operates as the important reservoir of social and cultural capital for each country which has its own distinct history and culture. The notion of civil society will continue to remain one of the key terms in social sciences in the 21st century

This research project tackled the most serious challenge to democracy in the age when traditional democratic politics appears paralyzed in face of tremendous difficulties caused by collapse of globalized financial capitalism. Candemocracy survive and remain relevant to public issues? Our answer to this big problem is following : We can create a new model of welfare state towards 21^<st> century crisis by placing public services for activation delivered by civic spontaneity on the basis of minimum redistribution by the traditional institutions