ABSTRACT

This paper investigates how the historical and geopolitical relationship between China and Japan has shaped collective psychology. Using language‐based methods across three domains—public sentiment, political discourse, and academic literature—we conducted three complementary analyses. First, word embedding techniques applied to two large‐scale Chinese text corpora show that sentiment toward Japan improved from the 1950s to 1980s before declining, a pattern that parallels Japanese sentiment toward China. Second, topic modelling of Japanese parliamentary records reveals that discussions of China over the past eight decades have been embedded in shifting global and regional geopolitical concerns, with recurring attention to war memory and maritime disputes. Third, a review of English‐language psychology literature indicates that early studies (1940s–1980s) focused on war and stereotypes; after the 1990s, research emphasized historical memory and reconciliation, and more recently, topics such as Chinese students in Japan, cross‐border mobility, and business relations—mirroring growing socioeconomic interdependence. Together, these analyses provide a multilayered view of how sentiment, identity, and historical memory co‐evolve with the geopolitical landscape in Sino‐Japanese relations.

Abstract

Cultural priming significantly enhances the internal validity of causal inferences in cultural psychology. Earlier studies showed that bicultural Hong Kongese could alternate between Chinese and Western cultural frames based on priming. However, after more than 25 years since Hong Kong's transfer from the UK to China, this assumption requires reevaluation due to substantial social and political changes. While the late 1990s studies reasonably presumed Hong Kongese were bicultural, the region has since undergone profound transformations. To reassess this, we conducted six preregistered experiments and internal mini meta‐analyses. In Experiment 1 (N = 369), we aimed to replicate the second and third of Hong et al.'s (1997) original studies of cultural priming in Hong Kong. In Experiment 2 (N = 434), we incorporated design improvements by T. K. Ng et al. (2016). In Experiment 3 (N = 330), we considered potential cohort effects and targeted a more diverse adult sample. In Experiment 4 (N = 565), we made adjustments related to the individual versus group salience in the measurement of the dependent variable. In Experiment 5 (N = 451), we increased group salience and fixed the language of the materials to English for Hong Kongese of student age. In Experiment 6 (N = 522), we increased group salience, fixed the language of the materials to Chinese, and recruited more general Hong Kong public participants. The six experiments and the mini meta‐analysis consistently failed to replicate the cultural priming effect. Potential reasons for these failed replications are discussed.

While partisan selective exposure has been robustly observed in controlled settings, its cross-national differences have been understudied. Many earlier studies were conducted in the United States (US); however, partisan selective exposure is weak outside the US. This study measured browsing behavior using comparable mock news sites in the US, Japan, and Hong Kong to probe the antecedents of cross-national differences in partisan selective exposure. Two observational studies showed that partisan selective exposure is robustly detected in the US but weak or almost absent in Hong Kong and Japan, and that affective polarization toward political out-groups partially explains the cross-national differences observed between the US and Japan, as well as between Hong Kong and Japan. Perceived media credibility and dialectical self did not explain cross-national differences. The universality of partisan selective exposure and its mechanisms are discussed.

Are there significant domestic political costs for leaders who disengage from long-standing alliances, costs that discourage such disengagement? Leaders of major powers occasionally look for ways to disengage in non-crisis situations from some long-term commitments to other countries following the legal procedures laid out in the alliance treaty or commitment. However, leaders interested in disengagement from alliances sometimes fear that they will pay domestic disengagement costs, for example, a decline in domestic public support, if they try to withdraw from alliances in that manner in practice. To examine if such fears are justified, we conducted two survey experiments among representative samples of the US public investigating the effects of a presidential decision to end an alliance commitment through the legally prescribed means. We find that disengagement costs exist in general and that some characteristics of the country in question can increase their size and make them more long-lasting. For example, withdrawal from alliances with countries perceived as similar on some key criteria to the United States and as loyal allies, or widespread opposition by experts to this withdrawal, will all increase the size of the disengagement costs and make them more long-lasting. Leaving an existing alliance in peacetime will frequently be a politically losing proposition for American leaders in many plausible situations—one possible reason for the endurance of some US alliances.

<title>Abstract</title>To examine conservative–liberal differences in the extent to which partisan tweets reach less partisan moderate users in a nonwestern context, we analyzed a network of retweets about former Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe. The analyses consistently demonstrated that partisan tweets originating from the conservative cluster reach a wider range of moderate users than those from the liberal cluster. Network analyses revealed that while the conservative and the liberal clusters’ internal structures were similar, the conservative cluster reciprocated the follows from moderate accounts at a higher rate than the liberal cluster. In addition, moderate accounts reciprocated the conservative cluster’s following at a higher rate than they did for the liberal cluster. The analysis of tweet content showed no difference in the frequency of hashtag use between conservatives and liberals, but there were differences in the use of emotion words and linguistic expressions. In particular, emotion words related to the propagation of messages, such as those expressing “dislike”, were used more frequently by conservatives, while the use of adjectives by conservatives was closer to that of moderate users, indicating that conservative tweets are more palatable for moderate users than liberal tweets.

Abstract

Does political repression extinguish public support for opposition demands? Protest emerges as a consequence of grievances and political preferences expressed as demands. Although the literature on the repression–dissent nexus has primarily focused on whether repression effectively deters dissenting behavior, a limitation is that researchers do not often distinguish between behavior and preferences. One possible implication is that although the observable protest behavior can be reduced by repression, underlying opposition demands may remain intact or even be strengthened. Hence, the question of why repression should alter public preferences remains theoretically under-investigated, because there is limited micro-level evidence that captures changes in opposition preferences induced by a repressive episode. We fielded comparable conjoint experiments before and after the enactment of the Hong Kong National Security Law in June 2020. Support for the demands was largely stable despite the sweeping powers of the law to curb protests, although some moderation of demands was observed. We outline avenues for future research on mechanisms and implications entailed by the effects of repression on preferences.

With increasing concern over online misinformation in perspective, this study experimentally examined the cognitive as well as the affective consequences of online search. Results of the two experiments using widely shared, prejudiced misinformation about an ethnic minority in Japan indicated that (a) online search reduces on average the likelihood of believing the misinformation, (b) the magnitude of the effect is larger among those who are predisposed to believe the misinformation, (c) cognitive correction is observed whether searchers are motivated to achieve a directional goal or an accuracy goal, and (d) online search deteriorates affective feeling toward the target groups of the misinformation. Theoretical implications are discussed in relation to the robustness of confirmation bias in online search and the “belief echo” in which exposure to negative misinformation continues to shape attitudes even after the misinformation has been effectively discredited.

Although most democratic theories assume that political participation other than voting constitutes an essential input to the political process, little is known about the cultural universality of this assumption. Drawing on cultural psychology findings derived from the widely shared framework of collectivism versus individualism, the present study tests the hypothesis that political demonstrators in collectivistic countries are socially avoided because they are perceived to be a threat to harmonious interpersonal relationships. A cross-national experiment in eight countries (US, UK, France, Germany, Japan, China, South Korea, and India) and one region (Hong Kong) indicated that political demonstrators are socially avoided, and this tendency was significantly stronger in collectivistic countries. Moderated-mediation analyses suggested that the social avoidance of political demonstrators in collectivistic countries is mediated by the perception that they are a threat to harmonious interpersonal relationships. The cross-cultural validity of democratic theory is discussed.

<p>A panel sample provider is a service that acts as an intermediary between a researcher and a survey monitor supplier in a web-based survey, and earns a transaction fee by providing the supplier with information on the survey that the researcher has registered and set up. In this report, we focused on LUCID (https://luc.id/), the world's largest panel sample provider and conducted a simple experimental online survey using LUCID in Japan, the U. S., the U. K., and China and examine participants' tendency to engage in satisficing when they do not pay due attention to the survey and its effect on their tendency to respond to an experimental task of “false consensus effect.” The percentage of satisficers who violated the instructions both times was high for both tasks in JP and CN. The effect sizes of one's own choice for satisficers were relatively smaller (though not absolutely small) than those for compliers and converts. These results show both the possibility that satisficing biases experimental results and the possibility that it can be corrected in a more appropriate direction by alerting.</p>

For voters with bounded rationality to emulate the formation of policy preferences under full information, party cues provide effective heuristics. Although the effect of party cuing has been robustly established in US-centered studies, the literature indicates that the characteristics of modern US politics, such as political polarization, magnify the effect of party cues. Therefore, the effect of party cues has been subject to only lenient empirical scrutiny, as empirical evidence exists primarily for the US. The present study aims to test the generalizability of the effect of party cues by focusing on Japan, where the ideological positions of parties have become increasingly vague. Furthermore, in light of the fact that the media system in Japan is more stable and ideologically polarized than its party system, we also test whether press cues (i.e. newspaper names) serve as substitutes for party cues. A survey experiment demonstrates that the effects of party and press cues in Japan are muted, and therefore these two types of cues do not serve as effective shortcuts in forming policy preferences. These results indicate that issue voting based on cognitive heuristics is difficult under an unstable multiparty system. Therefore, the extant literature on party cues that presupposes the US-style party system cannot be easily generalized to other political contexts.

Employing a comparative experimental design drawing on over 18,000 interviews across eleven countries on four continents, this article revisits the discussion about the economic and cultural drivers of attitudes towards immigrants in advanced democracies. Experiments manipulate the occupational status, skin tone and national origin of immigrants in short vignettes. The results are most consistent with a Sociotropic Economic Threat thesis: In all countries, higher-skilled immigrants are preferred to their lower-skilled counterparts at all levels of native socio-economic status (SES). There is little support for the Labor Market Competition hypothesis, since respondents are not more opposed to immigrants in their own SES stratum. While skin tone itself has little effect in any country, immigrants from Muslim-majority countries do elicit significantly lower levels of support, and racial animus remains a powerful force.

<p>In order to explore differences in news frames regarding controversial historical and territorial issues between Japan and Korea, the contents of four Japanese and Korean newspapers were analyzed by using topic models. Specifically, all the articles on the first page of Yomiuri, Asahi, Donga, and Hankyoreh newspapers during the two years from 2012 to 2013 were analyzed using Latent Dirichlet Allocation (LDA). Results indicated that in Japanese newspapers, the territorial issue related to Takeshima (Dokto) was framed as a part of a broader international security topic, whereas in Korean newspapers it was more closely associated with historical issues that are unique to the relationship between Japan and Korea. The issue of comfort women was framed in Japanese newspapers as an aspect of domestic politics surrounding the statements made by Toru Hashimoto, the former mayor of Osaka city, whereas in Korean newspapers, it was more distinctively framed as a historical issue. The potential consequences of different news framing between Japan and Korea, as well as the usefulness of using LDA for content analysis are discussed. </p>

Iyengar et al. (1984, The Evening News and Presidential Evaluations. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology 46(4): 778-87) discovered the media priming effect, positing that by drawing attention to certain issues while ignoring others, television news programs help define the standards by which presidents are evaluated. We conducted a direct replication of Experiment 1 by Iyengar et al. (1984, The Evening News and Presidential Evaluations. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology 46(4): 778-87) with some changes. Specifically, we (a) collected data from Japanese undergraduates
(b) reduced the number of conditions to two
(c) used news coverage of the issue of relocating US bases in Okinawa as the treatment
(d) measured issue-specific evaluations of the Japanese Prime Minister in the pre-treatment questionnaire
and (e) performed statistical analyses that are more appropriate for testing heterogeneity in the treatment effect. We did not find statistically significant evidence of media priming. Overall, the results suggest that the effects of media priming may be quite sensitive either to the media environment or to differences in populations in which the effect has been examined.

Though survey satisficing, grudging cognitive efforts required to provide optimal answers in the survey response process, poses a serious threat to the validity of online experiments, a detailed explanation of the mechanism has yet to be established. Focusing on attitudes toward immigrants, we examined the mechanism by which survey satisficing distorts treatment effect estimates in online experiments. We hypothesized that satisficers would display more stereotypical responses than non-satisficers would when presented with stereotype-disconfirming information about an immigrant. Results of two experiments largely supported our hypotheses. Satisficers, whom we identified through an instructional manipulation check (IMC), processed information about immigrants' personality traits congruently with the stereotype activated by information provided about nationality. The significantly shorter vignette reading time of satisficers corroborates their time-efficient impression formation based on stereotyping. However, the shallow information processing of satisficers can be rectified by alerting them to their inattentiveness through use of a repeated IMC.

<p>In this paper, we introduced a method of causal inference for arbitrary treatment regimes. We first expounded the generalized propensity score (Imai & Van Dyk, 2004) that extended the propensity score for binary treatments, and then causal inference with this generalized propensity score. Furthermore, we reanalyzed the data of relations between mass media and politics from a previous study, and discussed the usefulness of causal inference using generalized propensity scores.</p>

This study investigated the effects of reputation-making norms on personal network size. Someone who behaved cooperatively/non-cooperatively toward a "bad" person is denoted as C to B/D to B. Reputationmaking norms are then defined by a combination of the assessment of C to B and the assessment of D to B. We hypothesized that (1) those who judge C to B negatively would form smaller personal networks than those who judge C to B positively, and (2) those who judge D to B negatively would form smaller personal networks than those who judge D to B positively. We used scenarios to assess the internalized reputationmaking norms as an independent variable and investigated their effects on the size of participants' support networks as a dependent variable. Results indicated that the size of the support networks of participants following a norm which does not permit C to B was smaller than that of participants following a norm which does permit C to B. These findings suggest that using reputation made by norms which do not permit spoiling narrows the size of cooperative relationships.

本研究は，Webアンケート調査により，国民年金の給付額に対する知識が保険料の納付行動へ与える影響についての分析，および，国民年金給付額の通知が，潜在的な年金保険料の支払い可能額にどのような影響を与えるかについての分析を行う．分析の結果，国民年金の満額の年金額を誤って理解している場合，未納確率が高くなることがわかった．そして，サンプルを2グループに分け，一方には満額の年金給付額を通知し，他方には通知しないという操作を行い，それぞれについて最高でいくらの保険料の支払いが可能かを調べる通知実験を行った．その分析結果から，1) もともと給付額を高く予想していた場合において年金額の通知により保険料支払い可能額が低くなるが，2) 通知そのものは，保険料支払い可能額を高める効果があることがわかった．

Blogs have become an important medium for people to publish their opinions and ideas on the Web. However, it is still not clear whether we can analyze political public opinions from blogs. There have been some recent work on political viewpoint classification, but most only classified political blog entries or sites into opposing viewpoints such as conservative/liberal or Israeli/Palestinian. However, to predict a broader range of political opinions, we need to analyze a wide variety of blogs. Therefore, we constructed a dataset of general blogs that are connected to political poll results. With the dataset, we conducted experiments to predict political poll results by using the blog entries. Our prediction methods are based on a supervised learning algorithm, Support Vector Machines (SVM), with features in blog sites. We also attempted manual prediction with three human subjects as the upper bound of the system performance, and found that such a task is rather difficult even for humans and that the system performance can outperform that of humans. © 2012 IEEE.

社会心理学およびコミュニケーション研究の観点からメディア効果論の動向について論じる。前半は，マスメディアの変容とその効果について論じる。特に，娯楽的要素の強いソフトニュースの台頭とケーブルテレビの普及がもたらしたニュースの多様化・多チャンネル化について近年の研究を紹介する。また，メディア効果論において重要な論点となるニュース接触における認知過程について，フレーミングや議題設定効果，プライミングといった主要な概念に関する研究が統合されつつある動向について紹介する。後半では，ネットが変えつつあるメディア環境の特性に注目し，従来型のメディア効果論の理論やモデルが有効性を失いつつある可能性について指摘する。さらに，携帯電話やソーシャルメディアの普及に関する研究についても概観し，最後にメディア効果論の方法論的発展の可能性について簡単に述べる。

This study aims to contribute to effective system design of lifelog management. We conducted a random assignment experiment and investigated how variations in lifelog type and incentives of either monetary rewards or lifelog-based services affected subjects' willingness to disclose lifelog. © 2011 IEEE.

This article examines the democratic potential of online communities by investigating the influence of network heterogeneity on social tolerance in an online gaming environment. Online game communities are potential sources of bridging social capital because they tend to be relatively heterogeneous. Causal analyses are conducted using structural equation modeling with survey data collected in a three-wave panel of online game players in Japan. Results show that the heterogeneous composition of online community causally enhances social tolerance toward community members within the online gaming setting. Furthermore, results show that enhanced social tolerance toward online community members is generalized to offline settings. This causal process suggests that online communities provide access to bridging social capital by gathering heterogeneous populations around shared contexts.

Until the middle of the last century, the primary paradigms in mainstream science had been either experimental science or theoretical science. Starting in the 1950s, computational science began its rise to equal prominence and this change resulted in the realization of complex, large-scale numerical calculations and simulations. Now, scientific research is continuing to evolve with further innovative changes brought by the advent of the Internet and related technologies. Thanks to the technology used in these sophisticated information systems, most of the hardware and sensors used to gather information are linked to these networks. Information distributed in digital form technically allows anybody to access it anytime and from anyplace. The empirical scientific research method based on complex large-scale data collected through these networks is called "Data-centric science." The "Knowledge Circulation" infrastructure, which creates new value by projecting concrete information from our society into cyber space, analyzing and simulating it on the web, and enabling feedback from the web to real people and objects, will be one of the major pillars of future socio-informatics. In this paper, we describe the trends in methodology of data-centric science developed in various academic disciplines, and the possibility of these types of developments in socio-informatics. Further, we discuss the data sharing/collaborative research infrastructure that may result in breakthroughs in socio-informatics achieved through sharing vast amounts of data collected from throughout society and utilizing information science.

（映像情報メディアの未来ビジョン論文特別賞受賞）

We describe a web-based survey to assess how to evaluate a reputation by referring to his or her history of actions and taking account of his or her opponent's reputation. The analysis indicates that there is a distinction between possible actions with an opponent having bad reputations. That is, cooperative action with opponents that have bad reputations is less favorable than cooperative action with someone with an average reputation, and defection against opponents that have bad reputations is more favorable than defection against someone with an average one. Evaluation of actor with opponents that have bad reputation are found to depend on two evaluation factors, intimacy and social desirableness, because evaluation words extracted from the respondents' questionnaires could be classified with these two dimensions. This finding indicates that the norm of reputation making is more complex than the intuitive one-dimensional mechanism. © 2010 IEEE.

The use of web-based surveys has expanded rapidly during the past few years as the number of Internet users increased. However, lack of representativeness cause hesitation in utilizing data collected via the internet as compared to more conventional sampling methodology. This paper analyses the problem of non-representativeness in open online surveys using a passive sampling method, taking as an example the results of the ANU Internet Opinion Poll (ANU Poll) conducted in research on the 2004 Australian federal election. It clarifies that the sampling bias in online polls causes inaccurate statistical inferences.

2007年参院選最大の争点は年金であったとされるが，有権者にとって，「年金が争点」とはどういうことを意味していたのだろうか。本稿では，国会答弁・新聞報道・一般有権者の自由回答という3種類のテキストデータを用いた計量的な分析を行うことで，2007年参院選における争点の構造を検討し，年金争点の持つ意味を明らかにすることを試みた。本研究で用いたテキストデータの分析は，研究者があらかじめ質問を用意するのでなく，人々が自発的に語った内容を分析することにより，研究者の先入観をなるべく排除して争点の構造化を行うことが可能になるという利点を持つ。分析の結果，年金が2007年参院選最大の争点であったことは間違いないものの，一般有権者における年金争点への態度とは，年金制度そのものへの態度というよりは政治や行政のあり方についての評価に近かったということが明らかになった。

The effect of mobile phone e-mailing on young people's social tolerance was investigated by analyzing survey data of high school students in Japan. The results show that mobile phone e-mailing had a positive promoting effect on the homogeneity and a negative effect on the heterogeneity of personal networks. This in turn had a negative effect on social tolerance toward others. Mobile phone e-mailing enables students to select homogeneous others as companions of communication and thus brings a bias of homogeneity into their personal networks. This homogeneity bias in turn had a negative effect on the development of social tolerance in the socialization process by reducing the chance of interaction with heterogeneous others.

（平成19年度日本社会心理学会奨励論文賞受賞）

The rapid spread of Information and Communication Technologies (ICTs) enables people to maintain ties with friends and relatives who are physically distant, and to establish new ties through the Internet. To examine the social consequence of using ICTs at the macro level, we extended Latane's DSIT simulation model by adding interaction with distant agents. The results show that the largest and the mean cluster sizes of minority were smaller than Latane's model, but the number of minority clusters increased. Even if they are surrounded by others of different opinions, people can keep their opinions unchanged through ties with distant others. Such ties decrease the relative effects of adjacent neighbors. As a whole, people can form the homogeneous networks that are free from physical restriction to some degree. Consequently, minority opinions are able to survive.

（平成18年度日本社会心理学会奨励論文賞受賞）<br />
The rapid spread of Information and Communication Technologies (ICTs) enables people to maintain ties with friends and relatives who are physically distant, and to establish new ties through the Internet. To examine the social consequence of using ICTs at the macro level, we extended Latane&#039;s DSIT simulation model by adding interaction with distant agents. The results show that the largest and the mean cluster sizes of minority were smaller than Latane&#039;s model, but the number of minority clusters increased. Even if they are surrounded by others of different opinions, people can keep their o...

情報ネットワークの普及により,ネットワークコミュニケーションが一般化し,ネットワークコミュニティが形成されてきた.これにともない,ネットワークコミュニティの社会科学的研究がさかんになってきている.本論文で説明するネットワークコミュニティ分析支援システムCMINERは,ネットワークコミュニティの典型的メディアの1つであるウェブ掲示板を対象として,その社会科学的分析を支援するソフトウェアシステムである.本システムにより,ウェブ掲示板のログデータを収集し,ログ分析の基本的指標に加えて,基本的な社会ネットワーク分析を自動的に一貫して行うことができ,その結果はグラフにより視覚化できる.従来ソフトウェアとの比較実験による作業の効率化も確認した.