<p>The practical combat effectiveness (the practicality of martial arts techniques in real combat) of Chinese martial arts is considered to be its main characteristic, and changes to it may affect its development. During the sportification of Chinese martial arts, especially in wushu taolu, its practical combat effectiveness has always been the focus of controversy. This study aims to reveal the changing process of practical combat effectiveness in wushu taolu by analyzing all versions of the competition rules, as well as interviews of former athletes. The main findings are as follows:</p><p>(1) In the 1973 rules, the "difficulty of techniques" was emphasized. Along with the introduction of difficult movements, wushu taolu techniques gradually shifted to an emphasis on speed and agility. A tendency of ignoring the offensive and defensive features of the techniques has appeared.</p><p>(2) In the 1979 rules, practical combat effectiveness was temporarily emphasized. In order to halt the decline, movement difficulty was excluded from the rules. However, a trend to pursue speedy and agile movements still existed. Since difficulty was limited by the rules, athletes began to redesign their weapons and jerseys.</p><p>(3) In the 2003 rules, due to the international popularization of wushu taolu, the degree of difficulty was reintroduced, and the difficulty score was raised greatly from 0.2 point to 2.0 points. At the same time, the number of major movements was decreased.</p><p>(4) The major influence on the decline of the practical combat effectiveness of wushu taolu is its difficulty. Emphasizing the degree of difficulty without questioning the practical combat effectiveness may lead to wushu taolu losing its characteristics. If wushu taolu is considered to be a sport and at the same time categorize itself as a martial art, it is necessary to clarify the definition of difficulty and analyze the relationship between difficulty and practical combat effectiveness of wushu taolu.</p>

<p>The present study investigated the historical transition in the shape of the character "武", which appears in both Japanese budo （武道） and Chinese martial arts （武術）. A review of related studies conducted in Japan and China revealed that previous studies had focused mainly on the original shape and original meaning of "武"and transitions in its usage. Therefore this study can be considered to complement previous research on the character "武".<br> The study mainly analyzed the shape of"武"in Jia Gu Wen (inscriptions on animal bones and tortoise carapaces, 甲骨文）, Jin Wen (inscriptions on ancient bronze objects, 金文）, seal script （篆書）, the Chu character （楚 文字）, clerical script （隷書） , and regular script （楷書） through carved stones, tombstones, bamboo slips and other related material. The main results were as follows.<br>・ The earliest representation of "武"in Jia Gu Wen appeared in the Wu Ding （武丁） period （1250 BC）, while the earliest "武" in Jin Wen appeared in the Di Xin （帝辛） period （1075―1046 BC）. In both Jia Gu Wen and Jin Wen, the character "武" consists of 2 parts: "戈" and "止". In Jia Gu Wen, the "戈" part is located above "止", whereas in Jin Wen "戈" is located on the right upper side of "止".<br>・ From seal script to clerical script, the character "武" changed to a great extent. Such a change is referred to as clericalization （隷変）. Therefore, the Chu character, which was written on a bamboo slip by hand around the Zhan Guo period （475―221 BC）, was used to identify the consistent shape of the character of "武". Specifically, most of the curve stroke of "止" and "戈" became a straight line and the third stroke of "戈" dwindled, while the positions of "止" and "戈" were slightly changed.<br> ・ From clerical script to regular script, the character "武" changed further, especially in the "戈" component. Specifically, the second stroke of "武" changed from curved to straight. Another change was that the 1st and 7th strokes in "武" became separated from each other. Chinese martial arts began to exhibit an atheistic aspect from the Tang dynasty （618―907）. The changes that appear in regular script for "武" shows fading of the recognition that "武" is made up of "止" and "戈", as well as that "戈" represents "weapon" or "combat". These are considered the reasons why the shape of "武" changed after the Tang dynasty.</p>

Background: There is frequent communication and a complex relationship between the martial arts in Eastern Asia, in particular between China and Japan. Nowadays Chinese martial arts are facing the issue of globalization following the wave of Chinese modernization. These authors believe is important to understand the core of martial arts through historical and comparative studies of the time before martial arts spread overseas. In fact, Kano Jigoro referred to Karate in his book Seiryoku zen'yo Kokumin taiiku written in 1924 as well to a set of movements or physical exercises that are now part of Judo. Karate has a close relationships with Chinese martial arts. Based on the analysis in this study, Kano must have known of the relationship between Karate and Chinese martial arts. What is more, Kano had direct contact with Chinese martial arts when he went to China and saw them being practiced. He even said that Chinese martial arts were similar to the Japanese martial art of Jujutsu. Based on these facts, this study will use Seiryoku zen'yo Kokumin taiiku as a clue to analyze the connection between Kano Jigoro and Chinese martial arts. Aims and objectives: To reveal the connections between Kano Jigoro and Chinese martial arts through Seiryoku zen'yo Kokumin taiiku, the study has to solve the following problems: 1. What kind of relationship do Karate and Seiryoku zen'yo Kokumin taiiku have? 2. Did Kano consider the relationship of Karate to Chinese martial arts when he created Seiryoku zen'yo Kokumin taiiku? 3. What kind of martial arts did Kano see when he went to China in 1902? Do similarities exist in the techniques or any other aspects of Seiryoku zen'yo Kokumin taiiku and the Chinese martial arts that Kano saw in China. Method: This is historical research combined with a phenomenological and technical approach. The study analyzes the technique of Seiryoku zen'yo Kokumin taiiku, and compares it with Karate and Chinese martial arts. The study also discovers what connections existed between Kano and Chinese martial arts based on related documents and materials. Results: The Tandoku movement and Karate do have a close relationship. Seiryoku zen'yo Kokumin taiiku, as a kind of kata of Judo, has striking techniques that used to be seen in Karate. It should also be borne in mind that Seiryoku zen'yo Kokumin taiiku was created two years after Gichin Funakoshi started spreading Karate to the Japanese mainland. Kano should also have known this history when he created Seiryoku zen'yo Kokumin taiiku. Kano was more likely referring to Shuaijiao when he said he was excited to find the Chinese martial arts were similar to Jujutsu. Furthermore, Shuaijiao shares similarities with Seiryoku zen'yo Kokumin taiiku in both techniques and training methods.

Problem. The purpose of this study is to examine the direct influence of karateka (karate practitioner) Gichin Funakoshi on Jigoro Kano, the founder of judo, and the founders of Korea's national sport, taekwondo, especially Won Kuk Lee and Byung Jick Ro. Kano founded Seiryoku zen'yō Kokumin Taiiku (National Physical Education According to the Principle of Best Use of Energy) in 1924, but the movements seemed to have been greatly influenced by Karate. This study takes up two questions: First, how did Gichin Funakoshi influence Jigoro Kano. And second, how did Gichin Funakoshi influence taekwondo leaders. Method. This study is historical research based on relevant data analysis. In the question 1, the solo moves of Shotokan karate-do with the seiryoku zen'yō kokumin taiiku style were compared. In the question 2, literature and newspaper articles about karate and taekwondo from Korea and Japan are analyzed to investigate the motivations, objectives, and beliefs of Funakoshi and early Korean taekwondo leaders for their martial arts practice. Results. As a result, this study has found: (1) Funakoshi's karate style and Kano's seiryoku zen'yō kokumin taiiku style shared some similarities, especially in terms of punching, kicking. Differences were found in the direction of punches, standing postures and simultaneity of upper-body defense in kicking attacks. (2) Lee and Ro practiced karate at the Shotokan dojo by Funakoshi while they were studying in Japan. They were influenced by Funakoshi' training method, kata (a series of fixed technique motion for selfpracticing), and philosophy, which led them to found the first Karate school (the original version of Taekwondo school) in Korea around the time of Korea's liberation in 1945.

<p>日本武道の国際化については、これまで主に西洋諸国を対象とした柔道、剣道、空手などの伝播状況に関する研究が多く見られる。これに対して、地理的、そして文化的に近縁性のある中国において日本武道はどのように認識され、普及してきたのか。またその過程で中国武術などを含む中国の身体文化にどのような影響をあたえたのか。これらの問題を解明することは、日本武道の国際化をより相対的に捉えることができるだけではなく、グローバル化する今日の社会において、多様な身体文化の流通・融合を理解することにもつながると考える。</p><p>海外における日本武道の伝播について協会の設立、人員の交流、活動の実態などの内容があげられ、それらに関する史・資料も多岐にわたる。そこで、本研究が体育雑誌に着目した理由は、雑誌には編集者ないし出版社の認識や主張が強く表れる傾向があるからである。そうしたメッセージがコミットメント度の高い読者に受信されやすく、ときには読者のフィードバックもみられる。このような考えから、本研究では初歩的な作業として（1）日本武道はどのように中国の体育雑誌で表象されてきたのか、また（2）それは中国武術の発展にどのような影響を与えたのか、という二つの問いの解明を試みた。なお、研究機関は中華人民共和国が成立した1949年から2019年までとした。</p><p>また、具体的に用いる体育雑誌は以下の通りである。『新体育』（総合誌、国家体育総局中国体育報業総社、1950年創刊、現在月刊として発行）、武術雑誌『中華武術』（中国武術協会、人民体育出版社、1982年創刊、現在月刊として発行）、『武林』（広東武術協会、1981年創刊、2006年廃刊）、『武魂』（北京武術院、北京体育局、1983年創刊、2013年廃刊）、『柔道与摔跤』（山西省体育運動委員会、1983年創刊、1992年廃刊）。</p>

<p> 中国武術は1960年代後半から主に健康法として、そして1980年代から主に競技スポーツとして日本に受容され、今日では約150万人（うち競技者人口が約7万人）の愛好者に親しまれている。また2019年から国民体育大会の公開競技として実施されるようになる。しかし、このような普及状況に対して、中国武術が20世紀初頭に日本に紹介されて以降、どのように受容されたのかについてまだ明らかになっていない。よって、本研究は1900年前後から1960年代にかけて中国武術が日本に受容される過程の解明を目指している。</p><p> 新聞記事、柔道および空手関係の雑誌、中国を紹介する書物などの資料を分析した結果、以下のことが明らかになった。中国武術は1897年の朝日新聞にすでに見られ、1930年以前では主に清朝の武科挙、義和団事件、少林寺などの紹介の中で言及されている。1930年代では中国武術と柔術、空手の関係が取り上げられ、1940年代に入ると華法化問題や実用性の衰退などの議論が多く見られる。1950年以降、日本における中国武術に関する情報の流入は大陸に変わり、香港や台湾を中心に、指導者の来日や日本人修練者の渡航によって実現された。</p>

<p> 世界のあらゆる「武芸」がグローバル化の今日において、実戦、競技、審美、健康向上などといった様々な姿をあらわしている。このような「武芸」に起きた変容をいかに捉えるのか、そして将来、中国武術そして日本武道を含む様々「武芸」はどのようなあり方を求められているのか。これらの問題に答えるには「武」という言葉の概念を明確に把握する必要がある。言葉は時の移り変わりと共に、その意味内容も変化してしまう。「武」の字の解釈は、儒家の古典である『春秋左氏伝』で初見する。そこで「武とは戈を止める」（止戈論）と解釈されていた。しかし、後に「武とは戈＜武器＞をもって、止＜あし＞で進む」（原意論）、という甲骨文や金文の原意に基づく言語学的批判があった。また、「武」に関わる言葉として、「中国武術」、「韓国武芸」、「日本武道」とよく耳にするが、「術」、「芸」、「道」の漢字がそれぞれ違うように、「武術」、「武芸」、「武道」にも微妙な意味合いの区別がある。本研究は「止戈論」と「原意論」踏まえた上での「武」の字意の再検討と「武技」、「武術」、「武道」、「武芸」の相違を明確にすることから論を展開していく。</p>

本研究の成果は以下の学会で発表した。&nbsp;①2021年9月、日本体育・スポーツ・健康学会 第71回大会、演題「武術文化の流通と融合：中国の体育雑誌に表象される日本武道とその中国武術への影響」&nbsp;②2021年11月、The 201 (2nd) International Tai Chi Health and ScienceConfernce、演題「Health Outcomes of Tai Chi Traing During the Pandemic ofCovid-19: A Critcal Reviw of Curent Sudies」（共同研究者として）

本課題の研究成果は以下の雑誌・学会で発表した。雑誌：①刘畅、郑卿元、2020、近代以后中国武术在日本的本土化过程（近代日本における中国武術の土着化過程）、『体育科学研究』25(4): 1-8.&nbsp;学会：①&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; 2021年6月　清華大学体育フォーラム　演題「民族传统体育国际化进程中的机遇与挑战：以2005年《国际武术套路竞赛规则》的制定为例」（民族スポーツの国際化過程におけるチャンスと挑戦：2005年『国際武術套路競技規則』の制定を事例に）②&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; 2021年9月　日本武道学会　演題「近代中国における日本武道の受容とその影響」&nbsp;

本課題の研究成果を以下の雑誌に投稿した。・韓国紙「The Korean Journal of Sports」・中国紙『体育科学研究』（修正後再審査中）・日本紙『空手道研究』（審査中）本年度以下の学会で口頭発表を行った。・第53回日本武道学会（2020年9月7-8日）にて口頭発表・2020 横浜スポーツ学術会議（2020年9月8-22日）にて、シンポジストとして大会のOrganised Symposia G-(9)に参加。